HomeMy WebLinkAbout2024-12-12 Non-AgendaFrom:Abraham Ishaq
To:City Clerk
Subject:B’Tselem Report on Hebron
Date:Thursday, December 12, 2024 5:07:07 PM
Attachments:B’Tselem - 2024 12.pdf
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Hello City Clerk,
Please upload to the Non-Agenda items for the 10/12/2024 City Council meeting.
I’m sharing a report from B’Tselem, The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the
Occupied Territories, regarding the abuse of Palestinians by Israeli soldiers in central Hebron.
I wanted to share one of the most striking testimonies from the report. It comes from Wisam
Dufosh, a 35-year-old father of three, who described the brutal abuse he endured:
"The five soldiers surrounded me and started hitting me with their guns. One of them hit me
on the head with a rifle. I fell down and they continued beating me, aiming deliberately for my
testicles and other sensitive parts. The beating lasted a few minutes. I started feeling faint. […]
When I came to, I was in an ambulance. It took me to the Aliya Governmental Hospital in
Hebron, where they did X-rays. I also had bruises all over my body, especially on my testicles.
My head wound was stitched... It's been a week and my testicles still hurt badly. I'm getting
medical treatment and am worried I'll find out I have major damage in that area."
This testimony underscores the severe physical and psychological violence detailed
throughout the report and highlights the systemic nature of these abuses.
The City Council continues to support Israel regardless of the number of human right
violations they commit.
Thank you,
Abraham
12/12/2024
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Unleashed
abUse of
Palestinians by
Israeli soldiers in
the center of hebron
December 2024
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In compliance with the Israeli law that seeks to equate the receipt of international funding with
disloyalty, please note that last year, more than 50% of B'Tselem's funding came from foreign state
entities. These are listed on the website of the Israeli Registrar of Associations (and elsewhere). Be
that as it may, we remain loyal to dismantling the apartheid and occupation regime and to protecting
human rights.
Cover Photo: Activestills
Illustration photography
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Introduction
For over a year, Israel has been waging an unrestrained war on the Palestinian
people in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank and within the State of Israel. Its response
to the heinous attack led by Hamas on October 7 – and largely, to the shock and
anxiety that gripped the Israeli public – unleashed a wave of violence that swept
through the region, taking almost all remnants of humanity or morality with it.
The death and destruction wreaked by Israel's war machine in the past year have
reached unimaginable proportions.
The indiscriminate violence that has always marked the Israeli apartheid regime's
approach to Palestinians living in the area under its control is now appearing in its
most direct and exposed form. This report focuses on one of its manifestations in
the West Bank: recurring incidents of severe abuse of Palestinians by Israeli soldiers
in the center of Hebron throughout the summer of 2024.
The context in which the abuse took place
The Hamas-led attack on 7 October greatly exacerbated the ongoing dehumaniza-
tion of Palestinians in Israeli discourse, which filled with explicit calls for violence and
revenge by politicians and opinion leaders. With Palestinians collectively presented as
an undifferentiated mass of enemies, causing them harm is considered not only legit-
imate but even welcome. Throughout 2024, many Jewish-Israelis have adopted the
view that every Palestinian is guilty until proven otherwise – including military officers
directly in charge of running the daily lives of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories.
This approach takes different forms in the various territories under Israel's con-
trol. Its most aggressive manifestation is in the Gaza Strip, with extensive, indis-
criminate use of lethal weapons in crowded residential areas,1 massive destruction
of civilian infrastructure,2 mass deportation, starvation and forcible transfer,3 and
the creation of "kill zones" where anyone spotted is shot regardless of their in-
volvement in the fighting.4 All these are presented to Israelis as necessary military
achievements, whose cost in human life is negligible.
1 The UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR), Thematic report – Indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks during the
conflict in Gaza (October – December 2023), June 2024.
2 United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Reported impact snapshot, November 2024.
3 See B'Tselem, Manufacturing Famine: Israel is Committing the War Crime of Starvation in the Gaza Strip, April 2024.
4 See Yaniv Kubovich, "Israel Created 'Kill Zones' in Gaza. Anyone Who Crosses Into Them Is Shot", Haaretz English
edition, 31 March 2024.
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A "silent war" in the West Bank
In the West Bank, the view of all Palestinians as enemies who should be treated
with unyielding force is translating into further oppression of the entire civilian pop-
ulation, by the various arms of the Israeli regime. A record number of Palestinians
were killed by Israeli fire in 2024,5 and the number of detentions and administrative
detainees reached a historic high.6 Since the beginning of the war, many attacks on
Palestinians by soldiers and settlers have been documented throughout the West
Bank.7 The attacks were aimed at Palestinians suspected of no wrongdoing and of-
ten carried out in plain sight, in full view of officers and commanders. Together with
the rise in the scale and frequency of such attacks, this means they are not isolated
incidents, but the outcome of an explicit, deliberate and systemic policy.
Soldiers are being urged to take more "proactive" and "offensive" actions,8 while
the public is demanding – or, at least, accepting – revenge on all Palestinians for
the crimes of Hamas. Coupled with the ongoing dehumanization of Palestinians in
Israeli discourse, this has led soldiers to see themselves as authorized to play the
role of prosecutor, judge and executioner in any encounter with a Palestinian. In
practice, every soldier has been granted virtually unlimited power to use violent
means of oppression. Much like the abuse running rampant in Israeli detention fa-
cilities for Palestinians (who are classified by Israel as "security prisoners"),9 soldiers
in the field, too, know they will not be held accountable for their conduct.
Hebron: A case study
B'Tselem's field researchers gathered testimonies from Palestinians who were at-
tacked by soldiers in the city center of Hebron between May and August 2024.
Their accounts indicate a rise in the scope, type and severity of violence that sol-
diers are currently employing against Palestinians in the West Bank. It appears that
Palestinian residents of Hebron may, at any moment, fall victim to brutal violence
openly inflicted on them as they go about their daily affairs. The victims were cho-
5 See figures on casualties in Gaza on the World Health Organization (WHO) website. According to B'Tselem data,
from Oct. 2023 to 19 Nov. 2024, Israeli forces killed at least 742 Palestinians in the West Bank, including at least 160 minors. Another seven Palestinians from the West Bank were killed within the State of Israel, five of them by Israeli forces and two by Israeli civilians. At least 21 more Palestinians, including at least one minor, were killed by Israeli civilians or by an unknown Israeli party.
6 See data on administrative detention in the Occupied Territories on B'Tselem's website.
7 See updated incident log on B'Tselem's website.
8 See Dvir Amar, "The Retaliation Way: 35 years since the establishment of the Yehuda Brigade", Channel 7, 24 August
2023 (Hebrew).
9 See B'Tselem, Welcome to Hell: The Israeli Prison System as a Network of Torture Camps, August 2024.
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sen randomly, with no connection to their actions. In more than one incident, the
assailants recorded the abuse and bragged about it openly, to further the humilia-
tion or receive praise from their fellow soldiers and social circles.
Some victims recounted that the soldiers sought any feeble pretext to justify the
abuse. A "suspicious" picture or signs of following updates on Gaza, found on a vic-
tim's cellphone, were enough to justify transfer to one of the military posts scat-
tered throughout Hebron and subjection to physical and mental abuse for hours,
at gunpoint, while handcuffed and blindfolded.
Background — central Hebron
In the center of Hebron, the second largest Palestinian city in the West Bank, about
900 Israeli settlers live among tens of thousands of Palestinians.10 More than 1,000
soldiers uphold the systems of separation and military control in the city. To allow
settlers and soldiers to move around freely, Israel has reduced Palestinians' freedom
of movement over the years, mainly in area H2 that contains the Israeli settlements.11
These movement restrictions now include dozens of fortified checkpoints, road-
blocks, and permanent and temporary military posts that tend to open and close at
random, with no prior notice.12 The checkpoints are equipped with advanced identi-
fication and data collection systems,13 and Palestinians crossing them are often sub-
jected to humiliation and violence.14 On weekends and Jewish holidays, the restric-
tions are further tightened in order to cordon the area off for Jewish visitors.
Since the Hamas attack and the beginning of the war on October 2023, Israel has
greatly tightened the movement restrictions in Hebron. Initially, a full curfew was im-
10 An estimated 900 settlers currently live in Hebron, including settlement residents and students of Yeshiva Shavei
Hevron. See YESHA Council statistics (Hebrew). According to Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics data from 2023,
approximately 232,500 Palestinians live in Hebron. According to OCHA data from 2022, approximately 33,750 Pales-
tinians live in H2.
11 See B'Tselem, Playing the Security Card: Israeli Policy in Hebron as a Means to Effect Forcible Transfer of Local Pal-
estinians, September 2019.
12 In early September 2019, there were 22 checkpoints and 64 physical obstacles throughout the center of Hebron. In a
survey of Palestinians in Hebron who live near settlers' homes and the streets they use (2015-2018), 81% of respon-
dents reported having to cross a checkpoint at least once a day to get home, 89% could not get home by car, 88%
of children had to cross a checkpoint on their way to school, and 90% of families reported their children had been
detained, physically searched or harassed at checkpoints. See OCHA-OPT, The humanitarian situation in the H2 area
of Hebron city: Findings of needs assessment, April 2019 (hereinafter: OCHA survey).
13 See Hagar Shezaf, "Israel Surveils Palestinians in West Bank in Massive Facial Recognition Program", Haaretz English
edition, 8 November 2021.
14 The OCHA survey found between 2015 and 2018, 75% of Palestinian homes located near the areas and streets used
by settlers were searched at least once; in 97% of these searches, a family member was physically assaulted by the
forces; 20% of families reported one of their children being arrested by soldiers; and 75% of families cited violence by
Israeli forces as their main cause of concern. See OCHA survey, supra note 12.
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posed on the tens of thousands of Palestinians living in H2. Two weeks later, "breaks"
from the curfew were declared – several hours on some weekdays, during which
Palestinians were allowed out of their homes.15 A year on, Palestinians are still forbid-
den to move freely in the city from the evening to the next morning. Witnesses say
that basic daily activities such as visiting a doctor or family – opportunities to lead
reasonable lives, already curtailed before the war – are now even further diminished.16
The testimonies
In recent months, B'Tselem's field researchers collected 25 testimonies from Pales-
tinians who were abused by Israeli soldiers in the center of Hebron. All the incidents
of abuse took place between May and August 2024. Excerpts from the testimonies
are included in this report, and the full text can be found on a map of the Hebron
city center on our website.17
The victims described acts of violence, abuse and humiliation by soldiers aimed
at men, women, teenagers and children. They were seized while going about
their daily affairs: on their way to work,18 having coffee in the yards,19 or going
to buy groceries.20 Most were taken to military facilities, where the major abuse
took place. Some of the abuse was filmed by the soldiers, including on video calls
with acquaintances.
None of the victims were suspected of an offense, nor were they charged, and all
were let go immediately after the assault, many of them in a state that required
medical attention. Only two victims were arrested, but were ultimately released
with no further action taken against them.21
B'Tselem's field researchers spoke to other Palestinians who were similarly abused
after October 7 but declined to give their testimony, fearing revenge by soldiers or
the Israeli authorities.
15 See B'Tselem, "Israel holding 750 families in Hebron's Area H2 under curfew for last month, in form of collective pun-
ishment", 9 November 2023; See Hagar Shezaf, "Stay Inside: Hebron Residents Face Restrictions Like Never Before,
Unable to Leave Their Homes or Neighborhood", Haaretz English edition, 4 January 2024.
16 See, for example, the testimonies of Wisam Dufosh and Amir al-Fakhuri.
17 See map of the Hebron city center on B'Tselem's website.
18 See testimonies of Hisham Abu Is'ifan' and Mu'tasem Da'na.
19 See, for example, testimonies of Muhammad Abu Ramileh, Amir 'Aref Jaber and Muhammad 'Aref Jaber.
20 See, for example, testimonies of Muhammad a-Natsheh and Amir al-Fakhuri.21 See testimonies of Mahmoud Jaber and Muhammad Farhat Jaber.
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Random selection of victims
The testimonies indicate that the soldiers picked their victims entirely at random,
seizing them on the way home, on the way to work, at checkpoints, on the street,
hanging out with friends or running errands.
"At around 7:00 A.M. I was on my way to work. I'm a
civil servant at the Ministry of Education. As soon as
I got to the street that separates the a-Ras area from
the Wadi al-Hassin area, a soldier who was standing
about 50 meters away pointed his gun at me and
yelled at me to stop. I did as he said and asked him in
English to calm down, but he kept yelling and acting
all wound up. I explained to him that I was going to
work and wasn't dangerous in any way. He came over
and pushed me, and then he ordered me to hand
over my ID card and phone. Before I could give him
the phone, he grabbed me by the back of the neck and
shoved me to the ground. My back hurt a lot and I
shouted. […] When I kept shouting in pain, the soldier
sat on me and pressed both his knees hard into my
chest, until felt I couldn't breathe from the pain".
From the testimony of Hisham Abu Is'ifan, 54, a father of six from the Wadi al-Hasin
neighborhood in the center of Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers on 12 June 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
"[…] I was hanging out with friends in Ziad's yard.
[…] We were seven guys there. We were chatting and
drinking coffee to pass the time, because once the
curfew is on, we can't leave the neighborhood or do
anything else. At 11:00 P.M., a soldier came into the
yard and stood there, looking at us and pointing his
gun at us. Then he ordered my friend Muhammad
Abu Ramileh and me to get up and go over to him. We
both got up immediately and walked over to him,
and he ordered us to hold hands and walk ahead of
him. He took us to the military observation point
next to the Jaber checkpoint, walking behind us and
pointing his gun at us the whole way".
From the testimony of Muhammad 'Aref Jaber, 21, from the Jaber neighborhood in
the center of Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers on 17 May 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
"He came over
and pushed
me, and then
he ordered me
to hand over
my ID card and
phone. Before I
could give him
the phone, he
grabbed me
by the back of
the neck and
shoved me to
the ground"
"Once the
curfew is on,we
can’t leave the
neighborhood or
do anything else.
At 11:00 P.M.,
a soldier came
into the yard
and stood there,
looking at us and
pointing his gun
at us"
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In some cases, the soldiers demanded the victims' cellphones22 and searched them
for "justification", no matter how feeble or absurd, for harassing the owners. In
several incidents, the pretext given for the abuse was "punishment" for content
found on phones, such as updates on the situation in Gaza23 or on military activities
in Hebron.24
"The soldiers pulled my ID card and press card out of my pocket
and ordered me to unlock my phone. I unlocked the phone, and
they looked through it and found content to do with the war in
Gaza […] The soldiers blindfolded me and led me about 250 meters
on foot to the military camp near the southern gate of the Kiryat
Arba settlement. […] They sang songs about revenge against Hamas
in Hebrew, praising Israel and calling for killing of women and
children. They made us repeat the words and curse the Palestinians.
I understand Hebrew very well. They asked us about the events of
October 7 and the killing of the children in Majdal Shams, and I told
them I knew nothing about it because I live in Hebron. They kicked
me and said, 'It's called Israel'. At that point, more soldiers came into
the room. They started playing songs of praise to Israel on a speaker
and dancing wildly around us".
From the testimony of Mu'tasem Da'na, 46, a father of eight from the neighborhood
of Wadi a-Nasara in the center of Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers on 28 July 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
"Another soldier handed me my phone and
ordered me to unlock it with the password.
He went on Instagram and saw a fake picture
of an Israeli soldier with three hands saving
babies on October 7, which had 'Photoshop'
written on it. He asked me about it, and I
said it was just a picture. He said, 'We'll show
you Photoshop'. […] After a few minutes, the
soldiers put me in a jeep and made me sit
on the floor. […] Two of them spoke fluent
Arabic. The jeep sped out of there. One of the soldiers grabbed me by
22 See, for example, testimonies of Mahmoud Jaber, 'Abd al-Majid Khatib and Muhammad a-Natsheh.
23 See testimonies of 'Abd al-Majid Khatib and Mu'tasem Da'na.
24 See testimonies of Yasser Abu Markhiyeh (from 21 June 2024 and 14 July 2024) and Mu'tasem Da'na.
"The soldier
asked me, 'Do
you like Hamas?'
I said no, and
then he grabbed
me by the arm,
twisted it around
my neck and
strangled me"
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the hair and slammed my face into the back door, three times in a row.
I felt that my mouth and nose were bleeding. The soldier asked me, 'Do
you like Hamas?' I said no, and then he grabbed me by the arm, twisted
it around my neck and strangled me […] Two soldiers started slapping
me and asking me again: 'Do you like Hamas?' Again, I said I didn't, and
then one of them hit me hard in the testicles. I screamed in pain, and
then he hit me harder in the same place. I begged him in the name of
God to stop hitting me".
From the testimony of Mahmoud 'Alaa Ghanem, 18, from the town of Dura in
Hebron District, who was attacked by soldiers on 8 July 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
"They (the soldiers) spread out in the house,
acting aggressively and violently. One of
them pushed me hard against the wall and
started frisking me, while kicking my legs
and yelling and swearing at me. He ordered
me to unlock my phone and hand it over.
I saw him get into one of my WhatsApp
groups and scroll through it. As soon as he
finished, without saying a word, the other
soldiers started violently leading me to
the road while slapping and kicking me.
[…] (The soldier) ordered me to shut up and
told me to call my mother a 'slut' and to
curse Hamas and Sinwar. I obeyed, because
I was afraid of what they would do to me. All
that lasted about an hour, until a masked
soldier came into the room and spoke to me in fluent Arabic. He
cursed me for following updates on what was happening in Gaza,
and then he untied my hands, took off my blindfold and told me
to get lost. He said the next time they found news about Hamas
on my phone, they wouldn't take mercy on me".
From the testimony of 'Abd al-Majid Khatib, 19, from the neighborhood of Tel
Rumeidah in the center of Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers on 10 June 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
"[…] When I got to him, (the soldier) ordered me to hand over my
ID card. I did, and he ordered me to unlock my phone and hand it
"I saw him get
into one of
my WhatsApp
groups and
scroll through
it. As soon as
he finished,
without saying
a word, the
other soldiers
started violently
leading me to
the road while
slapping and
kicking me"
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over, too. I heard him talk to someone on the wireless radio and
say my name. About five minutes later, four soldiers arrived at the
checkpoint. One of them spoke to me in Arabic and accused me of
contacting Al Jazeera and slandering the Israeli army. I told him
that I had, in fact, spoken to Al Jazeera three weeks earlier about
soldiers who attacked me on 22 June 2024 […] Then he tied my
hands behind my back with zip ties and fastened them very tight.
Two soldiers pounced on me and started beating me, including
in the testicles, for several minutes".
From the testimony of Yasser Abu Markhiyeh, 52, a father of four from the
neighborhood of Tel Rumeidah in the center of Hebron, who was attacked by
soldiers on 14 July 2024 | Read the full testimony here
Details of the abuse
Many of the victims were forcibly taken to military facilities, posts or watchtow-
ers,25 where they were attacked by one or more soldiers. Others were abused in-
side inspection rooms at checkpoints,26 or in military vehicles.27
The victims described severe physical and mental abuse, including, among other
things, punching and kicking; blows delivered with firearms,28 batons29 or a chair;30
slamming the head against a wall or the body against the floor;31 whipping with a
belt;32 and, in one case, stabbing.33 Three of the victims had their faces covered to
the point of suffocation.34 In several cases, the soldiers poured an unidentified putrid
liquid on the victims,35 or threw garbage and plastic bottles at them in two other
25 See, for example, testimonies of Isma'il Jaber, Qutaybah Abu Ramileh, Muhammad Abu Ramileh and Muhammad Far-
hat Jaber. At least four witnesses said they were brought to the military watchtower in the Wadi al-Hasin neighborhood.
26 See, for example, testimonies of Amir al-Fakhuri and Muhammad Farhat Jaber.
27 See, for example, testimonies of Mahmoud Jaber and Isma'il Jaber.
28 See, for example, testimonies of Mahmoud 'Alaa Ghanem, Wisam Dufosh, Muhammad 'Abd al-Hafiz Rajabi and
Halah Rajabi.
29 See testimonies of Mahmoud Jaber and Amir 'Aref Jaber.
30 See testimony of Muhammad a-Natsheh.
31 See, for example, testimonies of Muhammad a-Natsheh, Isma'il Jaber and Muhammad 'Abd al-Hafiz Rajabi.
32 See testimony of Qutaybah Abu Ramileh.
33 See testimony of Isma'il Jaber.
34 See testimonies of Ahmad Abu Sha'ban, Mahmoud Jaber and Qutaybah Abu Ramileh. Other witnesses, including
Mahmoud 'Alaa Ghanem and Hisham Abu Is'ifan', said they had trouble breathing due to repeated blows or a sol-
dier's chokehold.
35 See testimonies of Yasser Abu Marhiyeh (from 14 July 2024), Muhammad a-Natsheh and Qutaybah Abu Ramileh.
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instances.36 The soldiers threw a ball at the heads of at least three victims,37 and in
another three cases, put cigarettes out on the victims' skin.38 Most of the victims
were abused while blindfolded, with their hands tied, and forced to stay in painful
positions for hours on end.39 Some were forced to sit in the scorching sun for hours,40
and others in a room with freezing air conditioning.41 Some were deprived of food
and drink for long periods of time.42 During the physical assaults, victims were also
verbally abused, including swearing and humiliating remarks made against them,
family members or their religion.43
"Two soldiers grabbed me by the arms and
lifted me forcefully. They led me to the
entrance to the military post and pushed
me in, so that my face hit the iron door.
They forced me to climb up the stairs of the
tower with no help, blindfolded. I fell a few
times during the climb, and every time I did,
the soldiers beat me. When I got to the top
of the tower, they put me in a room with a
rough metal floor and forced me to kneel on
it with my head down. They started hitting
me with their guns and kicking me. […] One
of the soldiers stood on my ankles and pressed them down hard.
I screamed in pain. He also ordered me to curse my mother and
say that I was a 'son of a whore', but I refused again, and he hit me
in the back with the barrel of a rifle. Then he pressed it against
my head and asked, 'Do you want to die a martyr?' I said yes, and
he said, 'Then I'll shoot you in the head and you'll die a martyr'".
From the testimony of Isma'il Jaber, 22, from the Jaber neighborhood in the
center of Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers on 30 May 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
36 See testimonies of Mahmoud Jaber and 'Udai al-Fakhuri.
37 See testimonies of Qutaybah Abu Ramileh, Mahmoud Jaber and Amir 'Aref Jaber.
38 See testimonies of Ahmad Abu Sha'ban, Mahmoud Jaber and 'Abd al-Majid Khatib.
39 See, for example, testimonies of Isma'il Jaber, Muhammad Farhat Jaber and Mahmoud Jaber.
40 See testimonies of Ahmad Abu Sha'ban, Isma'il Jaber, Mu'tasem Da'na and Mahmoud Jaber.
41 See testimony of Amir 'Aref Jaber.
.42 See, for example, testimonies of Mu'tasem Da'na, Mahmoud Jaber and Amir 'Aref Jaber.
43 See, for example, testimonies of 'Abd al-Majid Khatib and 'Udai al-Fakhuri.
"Then he pressed
it (the barrel of a
rifle) against my
head and asked,
'Do you want to
die a martyr?' I
said yes, and he
said, 'Then I'll
shoot you in the
head and you'll
die a martyr'"
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"One of the soldiers came to me and put his
cigarette out on my right leg. He put it out
slowly, so it would hurt more. One of them
asked: 'Does it hurt?'. When I said yes, he
punched me in the back of the head, stood on
my legs and pressed down hard".
From the testimony of Muhammad a-Natsheh, 22,
from the Tel Rumeidah neighborhood in the center of
Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers on 14 July 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
"(The soldiers) started hitting and kicking
me hard in my face, shoulder and back […].
At some point, one of them ordered me to
stand up. Two other soldiers lifted me up,
and then they kicked me hard in the knees.
They hit me again and again, which hurt a lot.
Every time they hit me, I fell down and they
immediately stood me up again. […] One of
the soldiers pushed me and slammed my face into a concrete wall.
He did that three times in a row. I screamed in pain and felt very
dizzy. […] Pretty soon, I couldn't kneel anymore and tipped over
on my side. One of the soldiers came and propped me back up on
my knees, shouting at me in Hebrew. I couldn't understand what
he was saying. The shirt covered my whole head, including my
nose and mouth, and I could hardly breathe. […] I kept screaming
because of the pain in my leg. The soldier picked me up and sat
me by the door of the room, where the soldiers walked back and
forth, stepping on me and beating me on the way, sometimes
with batons. I asked them: 'Why are you doing this?', and they
responded with laughter and contempt".
From the testimony of Mahmoud Jaber, 20, from the Jaber neighborhood in the
center of Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers on 16 August 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
"In the room, (the soldiers) started beating, punching and kicking
me all over my body. Then they made me sit on the floor, poured
water on me and turned the AC on really low. I was very cold.
"One of the
soldiers came
to me and put
his cigarette
out on my right
leg. He put it
out slowly, so
it would hurt
more"
"Every time
they hit me,
I fell down
and they
immediately
stood me up
again"
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At some point, I was so cold, I yelled at the
soldiers that I couldn't take it anymore. In
response, they attacked me again and hit me,
this time with clubs. One of the soldiers said
'Mikasa' (a soccer ball brand), and then hit me
on the head with something that felt like a
ball. I heard a female soldier swearing at me.
She pulled at the back of my shirt, and then I
felt cold water trickling down my back".
From the testimony of Amir 'Aref Jaber, 20,
from the Jaber neighborhood in the center of Hebron,
who was attacked by soldiers on 21 June 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
"[…] They forced us to kneel, and started
kicking us and hitting us with the butts and
barrels of their rifles. Then, suddenly, I heard
the sound of a leather belt coming from above,
and one of them started whipping us with a
belt on our heads and all over our bodies. We
were barefoot, because they didn't let us put
shoes on before we left the house, and our
slides fell off on the way. The soldiers stepped
on our feet. The beating with the belt lasted
about three minutes, and then the soldiers
brought a bucket and put it on my head. Later, I understood they
also put a bucket on Yazan [who was arrested with me]. They
started playing with a ball or something like that, and threw it at
the bucket on my head. It hurt every time the ball hit the bucket.
It was hard to breathe and I felt like I was suffocating".
From the testimony of Qutaybah Abu Ramileh, 25, from the a-Salaymeh
neighborhood in the center of Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers along with
his brother Yazan, 22, on 8 July 2024 | Read the full testimony here
"Before the jeep took off, the two soldiers started slapping me
on the neck, punching me in the chest and swearing at me. They
forced me to repeat humiliating swearwords about my mother
such as 'I'm a son of a whore and a whore', to curse Allah, Sinwar
"At some point,
I was so cold,
I yelled at the
soldiers that I
couldn't take
it anymore. In
response, they
attacked me
again and hit
me, this time
with clubs"
"Suddenly, I
heard the sound
of a leather belt
coming from
above, and one
of them started
whipping us
with a belt on
our heads and all
over our bodies"
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and Hamas, and to repeat the phrase 'Am
Yisrael Chai' ('the people of Israel live'). I
could hear the clicks of a camera flash and
realized they were taking pictures of me".
From the testimony of Muhammad Abu Ramileh,
20, from the Jaber neighborhood in the center of
Hebron, was attacked by soldiers on 17 May 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
In one case, soldiers attacked minors during a night
raid on their family's home:
"I was doing housework when my son
Muhammad (14) came running in, frightened and panting. He
went to one of the rooms and three soldiers ran in after him. I
followed the soldiers into the room and asked them what they
wanted. They started attacking my two
sons. One of them grabbed Muhammad by
the neck and lifted him in the air. […] My
daughter (16) tried to get the soldiers away
from her brothers, and they started hitting
us both with their guns, pushed us out of the
room and locked it from the inside with the
key. Through the door, I heard the soldiers
continuing to attack them. I knocked on the
door, crying and screaming. Then I went out
to the yard and called out to the neighbors
for help. […] (Muhammad) was lying on the
floor, motionless. I started shouting that the
soldiers had killed him. […] My other son, who was in the room
with Muhammad, tried to follow him but passed out and fell
down the stairs leading to the road. Some young guys picked him
up and took him to the car […] and they drove to the hospital".
From the testimony of Halah Rajabi, 50, a mother of nine from the al-Hariqah
neighborhood in the center of Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers along with
her family in their home on 31 July 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
"They forced
me to repeat
humiliating
swearwords about
my mother such
as 'I'm a son of
a whore and a
whore', to curse
Allah, Sinwar
and Hamas,
and to repeat
the phrase 'Am
Yisrael Chai'"
"Through the door,
I heard the soldiers
continuing to
attack them.
I knocked on the
door, crying and
screaming. Then
I went out to the
yard and called out
to the neighbors
for help"
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Some of the soldiers used guns and other weapons as part of the abuse. In two cases,
soldiers fired in the air to scare the victims.44 In one case, soldiers fired rubber-coated
metal bullets that hit the victim in the head.45 In seven incidents, soldiers threw stun
grenades at the victims and their family members,46 four of them indoors.47
"[...] The soldiers ordered us to leave. My
husband turned the car around, and the
soldiers were still surrounding us. One of
them looked at me and winked. He gave
me a mocking smile and then I saw him
pull the pin on a stun grenade and throw
it between my legs. I pushed the grenade
away and it fell under the seat. I shouted,
'Grenade! Grenade!' and ducked to the
other side. Muhammad [my husband]
turned around to me when I shouted, so the
grenade exploded under his face. He passed out. Thank God, the car
stopped by itself. It was hard getting out of the car at first, because
of the thick smoke and because I was so scared about Muhammad.
I managed to get out and started shouting on the street and calling
for help. Some local residents came over [...]. People on the street
were shouting 'Martyr! Martyr!', and my blood froze in my veins
with fear. We arrived at al-Muhtaseb Hospital with Muhammad
still unconscious".
From the testimony of 'Abir Id'es-Jaber, 33, a mother of four from the al-Manshar
neighborhood in the center of Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers along with
her husband on 21 August 2024 | Read the full testimony here
Most of the victims were injured and bruised when they were released from the
attack. Some required medical attention and were taken to hospital by their fam-
ilies or by acquaintances.48 At least three witnesses were too afraid to go to the
hospital, fearing the strict restrictions on movement and the possibility of encoun-
tering the soldiers again.49
44 See testimonies of Muhammad Jaber, 'Abir Id'es-Jaber and Muhammad a-Natsheh.
45 See testimony of Wisam Dufosh.
46 See, for example, testimonies of Wisam Dufosh, Qutaybah Abu Ramileh and Muhammad a-Natsheh.
47 See testimonies of Yasser Abu Markhiyeh (from 21 June 2024), Muhammad Jaber, Amir al-Fakhuri and Halah Rajabi.
48 See, for example, testimonies of Hisham Abu Is'ifan', Wisam Dufosh and Muhammad 'Abd al-Hafiz Rajabi.
49 See testimonies of Amir 'Aref Jaber, Hisham Abu Is'ifan' and Isma'il Jaber.
"One of them
looked at me and
winked. He gave
me a mocking
smile and then
I saw him pull
the pin on a stun
grenade and
throw it between
my legs"
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Sexual violence
Several victims recounted varying degrees of sexual violence and physical humil-
iation, ranging from explicit threats of rape,50 to forced undressing,51 and strong
blows to the genitals.52
"The five soldiers surrounded me and
started hitting me with their guns.
One of them hit me on the head with
a rifle. I fell down and they continued
beating me, aiming deliberately for my
testicles and other sensitive parts. The
beating lasted a few minutes. I started
feeling faint. […] When I came to, I was
in an ambulance. It took me to the Aliya
Governmental Hospital in Hebron, where they did X-rays. I also
had bruises all over my body, especially on my testicles. My head
wound was stitched and the doctors wanted to keep me at the
hospital for 24 hours for observation, but I chose to go home after
my daughter Rital called me, crying, because she'd seen pictures
of me bleeding on the neighborhood WhatsApp group. It's been
a week and my testicles still hurt badly. I'm getting medical
treatment and am worried I'll find out I have major damage in
that area. I also have severe pain in my back and feel that my
health is deteriorating day by day."
From the testimony of Wisam Dufosh, 35, a father of three from the
neighborhood of Tel Rumeidah in the center of Hebron, who was attacked by
soldiers on 24 June 2024 | Read the full testimony here
"The five soldiers who were in the
room got up and started beating me
hard. When they were done, they made
me take off all my clothes. One of the
soldiers got a metal detector and ran it
over my body. When he got to the right
50 See testimonies of Muhammad a-Natsheh and Isma'il Jaber.
51 See testimonies of Mahmoud Jaber and Muhammad Farhat Jaber.
52 See testimonies of Yasser Abu Markhiyeh (from 14 July 2024), Wisam Dufosh, Muhammad 'Abd al-Hafiz Rajabi and
Mahmoud 'Alaa Ghanem.
"They continued
beating me, aiming
deliberately for my
testicles and other
sensitive parts. The
beating lasted a few
minutes. I started
feeling faint"
"(The soldier) forced
me to undress again
and do 150 push-ups.
I told him I couldn't,
and then the soldiers
beat and cursed me"
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knee, the device beeped because of the 'platinum' (metal implant),
and he used it to hit me on the knee. Then they told me to get
dressed. I got dressed, and one of the soldiers took 50 shekels I had
in my pocket and forced me to undress again and do 150 push-ups.
I told him I couldn't, and then the soldiers beat and cursed me. I
was completely naked. It was a very humiliating experience".
From the testimony of Mahmoud Jaber, 20, from the Jaber neighborhood in the
center of Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers on 16 August 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
"After several minutes of severe beating and cursing, the soldier
hit me hard in the testicles with the barrel of his gun. I passed out
and don't know what happened next. I woke up at Mohammad
Ali Al Mohtaseb Hospital with doctors giving me first aid. I had
bruises all over my body and swelling in my head".
From the testimony of Muhammad 'Abd al-Hafiz Rajabi, 14, from the al-Hariqah
neighborhood in the center of Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers along with
his family in their home on 31 July 2024 | Read the full testimony here
"The soldiers cursed me with humiliating swear
words, and some of them stepped on my legs. It hurt
a lot and I couldn't say anything. One of them got an
office chair and put it on my legs. He sat on it from
time to time, which hurt a lot. They kept swearing at
me the whole time, and one of them spat at me, too. It
went on like that for about an hour, and then one of
the soldiers said to me in Arabic: 'We'll rape you'. One
of them grabbed my head, and another soldier tried
to open my mouth and shove a rubber object in it. I
made a huge effort not to open my mouth. I heard
him say in Hebrew: 'Film him, film him'. […] Then a
soldier who spoke Arabic came. He came over and
ordered me to get up, but I couldn't. He grabbed me
by the neck, lifted me up and made me stand facing the wall, and
then he started pushing my head left and right violently with his
hands, saying: 'If I see you in this place again, I'll rape you and kill
you. I'll do the same to anyone else I see here'".
From the testimony of Muhammad a-Natsheh, 22, from the Tel Rumeidah
neighborhood in the center of Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers on 14 July 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
"One of the
soldiers said to
me in Arabic:
'We'll rape
you'. One of
them grabbed
my head,
and another
soldier tried
to open my
mouth and
shove a rubber
object in it"
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Visual documentation of the abuse
Sometimes, documenting the violence, abuse and humiliation was part of the at-
tack itself. Some incidents were filmed on video, likely on the soldiers' cell phones.53
In some cases, the soldiers were on a video call with acquaintances during the
abuse, and joked about the suffering they were causing the victims.54
"Then the soldiers brought ice and put it down my underwear.
Yazan [who was arrested with me] told me afterwards they did
the same to him. They also poured an alcoholic drink into our
clothes. I heard a soldier talking to a girl on the phone. I think it
was a video call. They were laughing and making fun of us. [...] The
soldiers spoke to us in Hebrew, which I don't understand. One of
the soldiers kicked us in the head and face while cursing us and
our mothers. Then I heard him go up the stairs of the tower, and I
heard music and songs from up top. The soldier would come down,
hit and kick us, then go back up and then come back down. It went
on like that until about 11:00 A.M. Yazan told me he couldn't take
it anymore and didn't feel well".
From the testimony of khitam Da'na-al-Qimari, 25, from the a-Salaymeh
neighborhood in the center of Hebron, was attacked by soldiers along with his
brother Yazan, 22, on 8 July 2024 | Read the full testimony here
"They made me walk until we got to a room,
where they made me kneel again. One of
the soldiers pushed me and my back hit
a hard, sharp object. It hurt a lot, and I let
out a scream. The soldiers laughed. I heard
the sound of laughter on a cell phone and
figured they were filming me and sharing
it with friends".
From the testimony of Mahmoud Jaber, 20,
from the Jaber neighborhood in the center of
Hebron, who was attacked by soldiers on 16
August 2024 | Read the full testimony here
53 See, for example, testimonies of Mu'tasem Da'na, Muhammad Abu Ramileh and Muhammad a-Natsheh.
54 See, for example, testimonies of Isma'il Jaber, Qutaybah Abu Ramileh and Mahmoud Jaber.
"It hurt a lot,
and I let out a
scream. The
soldiers laughed.
I heard the sound
of laughter on a
cell phone and
figured they
were filming me
and sharing it
with friends"
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Lasting impact of the abuse
The testimonies indicate that the abuse had a lasting psychological impact. Some of
the victims reported trouble sleeping due to nightmares about the attacks. All were
left keenly aware that although that particular incident may be over, they and their
families are living in a constant threat to their lives, bodily integrity and wellbeing.
"A week after the attack, I still have headaches
and feel dizzy. I have nightmares and can't
sleep at night. Every sound in the house
terrifies me and I'm scared all the time. I can't
forget the moment the soldiers chased me, or
the moment they closed the door and started
brutally beating my brother and me".
From the Testimony of Muhammad 'Abd al-Hafiz Rajabi, 14, from the al-Hariqah
neighborhood in the center of Hebron who was attacked by soldiers along with
his family in their home on 31 July 2024 | Read the full testimony here
"When I was done shaving Mahmoud, they
ordered me to shave my hair, mustache and
beard as well, and threatened that they would
do it themselves if I didn't obey. […] I've never
felt so humiliated and insulted in my life.
I can't get over it and my mental health is
suffering. When I got back to my neighborhood, all shaven, I was
ashamed. I was too embarrassed to even host relatives who came
to congratulate me on my release".
From the testimony of Muhammad Farhat Jaber, 55, a father of seven from
the Jaber neighborhood in the center of Hebron, was arrested by soldiers on 15
August 2024 | Read the full testimony here
"Once we were in the yard, the soldiers went
into our house and I heard them ransacking
it [...] The soldier said the boy had thrown
stones at soldiers and that they were going
to take my kids and me to the military post.
I told them Muhammad is just three years
old and doesn't understand what it means to
throw stones. My children were afraid of the
soldiers. They cried and clung to me. […] That
"I have nightmares
and can't sleep at
night. Every sound
in the house
terrifies me and
I'm scared all
the time"
"When I got
back to my
neighborhood,
all shaven, I was
ashamed"
"That night, my
kids didn't want
to sleep in their
room and clung
to me all night.
They kept talking
about how the
soldiers invaded
our home"
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night, my kids didn't want to sleep in their room and clung to
me all night. They kept talking about how the soldiers invaded
our home, turned everything upside down and broke some of the
flowerpots in the entrance. [...] I spent the whole night tidying
the house and calming my children, and I'm still very shaken".
From the Testimony of Khitam Da'na-al-Qimari, 26, a mother of two from the
a-Ras neighborhood, near the settlement in the a-Rajabi (Hashalom) building in
the center of Hebron, whose home was raided by soldiers on 17 August 2024 |
Read the full testimony here
Conclusion
Since the beginning of the war in Gaza in October 2023, the various arms of the
Israeli apartheid regime have greatly increased their use of violence and other op-
pressive measures against Palestinians.
The Palestinians abused in central Hebron, most of them young men going about
their daily affairs, were easy targets. The soldiers who attacked them, like the gov-
ernment and many Jewish-Israelis, see them as collectively responsible for the ac-
tions of Hamas. This approach makes it permissible to harm them with no moral
or other compunction. In such a public climate, extreme violence is considered
inherent to fighting the enemy, as is its use to instill fear in the entire Palestinian
population. The violence inflicted by soldiers, who understand what is expected of
them and rise to the task, is extremely injurious to the lives, wellbeing and safety
of Palestinians. This, alongside the fact that law enforcement regarding harm to
Palestinians and their property is virtually nonexistent, means the routine violence
is likely to continue unchecked.
The scope of violence revealed in the testimonies – carried out in plain sight, and
sometimes recorded – makes it clear that the abuse cannot be explained only as a
personal vendetta by soldiers or a flaw in the system. It shows that this violence is
the outcome of a systematic, longstanding policy of oppression, expulsion and
dispossession that is at the very core of the Israeli apartheid regime.55
This reality leaves Palestinians with two options: uproot themselves from their
homes, land and communities, or live in constant fear of violence.
55 See B'Tselem, A regime of Jewish supremacy from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea: This is apartheid, January 2021.
12/12/2024
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From:Abraham Ishaq
To:City Clerk
Subject:Request for Emergency Resolution on Syria
Date:Tuesday, December 10, 2024 1:28:48 PM
NOTICE: This message originated outside of The City of Palm Springs -- DO NOT CLICK on links or open attachments
unless you are sure the content is safe.
Hello City Clerk,
I have shared this draft resolution with the council members and requested it be added to the
agenda. Please upload to the public comment for non-agenda items for the December 12, 2024
meeting.
Since the last council meeting, the situation in Syria has become increasingly devastating.
There is council precedent for issuing a resolution in support of nations facing crisis.
While I understand that this week’s meeting is primarily ceremonial, I believe we should
consider making an exception to issue an emergency resolution.
I have drafted the following resolution for your review and sincerely hope to have your
support:
A RESOLUTION OF THE CITY COUNCIL OF THE CITY OF PALM SPRINGS,
CALIFORNIA, EXPRESSING ITS SUPPORT FOR THE SOVEREIGN STATE OF SYRIA
WHEREAS, we, the City Council of the City of Palm Springs, express our steadfast and
united support for the sovereign State of Syria and our unequivocal condemnation of all acts
of terrorism and foreign aggression that undermine its peace and stability; and
WHEREAS, we make clear that terrorist actions and external interference in Syria’s affairs
have no justification, no legitimacy, and must be universally condemned. There is never any
justification for terrorism or violations of national sovereignty. In recent years, the world has
witnessed appalling acts of violence against the Syrian people, the displacement of millions,
and the devastation of their cities and heritage; and
WHEREAS, we, the City Council, further emphasize that this is not a moment for any foreign
powers or entities hostile to Syria to exploit conflict and suffering for strategic or political
advantage; and
WHEREAS, we recognize the legitimate aspirations of the Syrian people for peace, stability,
and self-determination. We support equal measures of justice, sovereignty, and freedom for all
Syrians. However, those who engage in acts of terrorism, aggression, and destabilization do
not represent these aspirations and offer only further destruction and hardship.
THE CITY COUNCIL OF THE CITY OF PALM SPRINGS DOES HEREBY RESOLVE AS
FOLLOWS:
SECTION 1. We, the City Council of the City of Palm Springs, will remain committed to
condemning terrorism, advocating for peace, and supporting the sovereignty of nations,
12/12/2024
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including the State of Syria, to ensure a just and stable international community.
ADOPTED THIS [DATE] DAY OF [MONTH], 2024.
Thank you for your consideration.
Best regards,
Abraham
12/12/2024
Public Comment
Non-Agenda
From:dougsky1@aol.com
To:Scott Stiles; trevor@daleystrat.com; Brenda Pree; City Clerk; Jeff Ballinger
Cc:Norm King
Subject:Re: Friends of Frank Bogert Public Comment for Closed and Open Session
Date:Tuesday, December 10, 2024 12:41:36 PM
Attachments:The Exoneration of Frank Bogert_111424.pdf
NOTICE: This message originated outside of The City of Palm Springs -- DO NOT CLICK on links or open attachments
unless you are sure the content is safe.
Good morning-
We want to thank you all for your hard work on Section 14 and for starting the
process to get the facts right. We have not received a response to the following email
and the attachment but note that during the meeting the city attorney and Mayor Pro
Tem DeHarte and members commented on ARG revising the historic context report
and as noted we believe the HRC report needs to be substantially revised or removed
for the city records. The ARG report and the HRC report provide conflicting historical
perspectives. Additionally, during the city council discussion on the HRC, council
member Holstege commented on the problems with the HRC process as it related to
the HRC Monument Report. The city needs to make sure that the Section 14 historic
context report is factual and that other city documents need to be revised
accordingly.
Please provide this email and attachment to the incoming city council members and
the rest of the City Council.
Friends of Frank Bogert would like to know how the ARG report will be revised, if it
will be scheduled for a future city council meeting, and if we can meet with the ARG
team to discuss the update and issues.
Thank you again for your hard work on this very complex historical time.
Doug Evans
Friends of Frank Bogert
On Thursday, November 14, 2024 at 12:54:27 PM PST, dougsky1@aol.com <dougsky1@aol.com>
wrote:
Good afternoon Mayor and City Council Members-
Please enter this email and attached document into the record for closed session this
afternoon and tonight's meeting.
Friends of Frank Bogert will not make any comments about the agreement. We are
solely focused on Mayor Bogert's role in Section 14 during his limited years as mayor,
1958-1966 and after.
12/12/2024
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The HRC Frank Bogert Monument Report is factually flawed and completely
undermined by the ARG report.
The HRC report and the ARG report are completely different narratives and are
contradicting. The city council committed to get the facts and now the facts show that
the HRC report is factually flawed. The HRC report needs to be removed from the city
website.
We also see that the ARG report is not listed on the city council agenda so we do not
believe the city council can approve the document. It was dropped on the public late
last Friday.
We request the following:
1. That the ARG report be circulated for public review and that the public comment
period be at least 14 days.
2. That all public comments be included in a technical appendix to the report so all
comments are part of the ARG report. Similar to CEQA and EIR's.
3. That the ARG report be formally peer reviewed before it is approved in final form.
4.That the city remove the HRC report from the city's website since it if now proven to
be factually flawed.
We also request that the city council direct staff to start the process to relocate the
Frank Bogert statue to the Village Green. The ARG report exonerates Mayor Bogert and
it is time to move forward positively.
Thank you all, city staff, ARG, and others for your hard work to finally "get the facts.”
Doug Evans,
Friends of Frank Bogert
12/12/2024
Public Comment
Non-Agenda
1
The Exoneration of Mayor Frank Bogert
How the 2024 ARG Historical Study Refutes the 2021 HRC Report
Prepared by Friends of Frank Bogert
November 14, 2024
The 2024 Architectural Resource Group Study (the “Study”), despite its flaws and
misrepresentation of historical events, contains crucial findings that directly contradict the
falsified Human Rights Commission’s Monument Report (the “Report”). Mayor Pro Te m
Ron deHarte acknowledged this Report as the basis for removing the Frank Bogert statue
from City Hall in 2022.
The ARG Study invalidates the HRC Report’s justification for removing the
Bogert statue and confirms contemporary accounts of his “tireless” efforts to
help Section 14 residents
The HRC Report recommended removing the statue based on the claim that “Bogert
demonstrated no effort to address the harms caused by these evictions.” The Report
repeats similar false assertions 16 times, suggesting Bogert was indifferent to Section 14
residents’ welfare during the evictions.
For over three years, Friends of Frank Bogert have challenged these claims, providing
extensive documentation supporting contemporary news accounts of Bogert’s “tireless”
work helping Section 14 residents. The ARG Study now validates this documentation,
highlighting Bogert’s efforts to work with all stakeholders to address an unprecedented
municipal crisis, particularly his attempts to secure welfare and housing opportunities for
Section 14 residents.
Contemporary sources and the ARG Study directly contradict the HRC Report’s claims
The following citations from the ARG Study and The Desert Sun contradict both the HRC
Report's characterization of Frank Bogert and its justification for removing his statue :
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2
Human Rights Commission Monument Report (2021): “Bogert demonstrated no effort to
address the harms caused by these evictions.”
The Desert Sun (1962): Bogert was “vigorous in attempting to make welfare arrangements
for the residents of Section 14.”1
Architectural Resources Group Historical Study (2024, pg 79): The housing application
submission was “part of a years-long effort by Mayor (Bogert) and the City Manager to find
housing funding for Section 14 residents facing eviction.”
The Study confirms what Friends of Frank Bogert have maintained: Bogert uniquely worked
with all stakeholders to resolve an extremely complex situation. He simultaneously sought
to address slum conditions, stabilize the City’s tax base, support Tribal sove reignty,
minimize the impact of displacements, and secure housing for evicted residents.
This document exposes the stark contrast between the deliberately falsified, plagiarized
HRC Report and the flawed but honest ARG Study, including:
• Highlighting specific citations where the Study documents Bogert’s efforts to help
Section 14 residents
• Clarifying when the Study’s general references to City actions were actually led by
Bogert
• Showing Bogert’s collaboration with Black community leaders mentioned in the
Study
• Documenting how Bogert spoke out against wrongdoings cited in the Study
• Illustrating instances where Bogert opposed the City Council to support Section 14
residents and Tribal rights
• Contrasting specific differences between the ARG and HRC documents
This document focuses primarily on Bogert’s efforts as they relate to references in the ARG
Study. It is not intended to be a comprehensive account of his actions as Mayor in the
1960s. A complete timeline of his efforts to assist Section 14 residents over a 10-year
period can be found in the Appendix.
The ARG Study documents Bogert’s direct and indirect efforts to help Section
14 Residents
The Study specifically cites Bogert’s efforts to help Section 14 residents multiple times. It
also references City actions that Bogert led, though without naming him. The HRC Report
deliberately omitted all these examples, and every example in the decade-long timeline
provided in the Appendix, to support a false narrative about Bogert.
1 Desert Sun, Officials Open Section 14 Study June 23, 1961
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Direct Citations of Bogert’s Efforts to Help Residents
The ARG Study directly cites Bogert by name as the key figure behind numerous initiatives
to assist Section 14 residents.
Negotiated and Announced an Eviction Moratorium (pg 77): After meeting with the
Department of Interior, BIA, and Section 14 residents, Bogert took action to protect
residents. The ARG confirms that he “declared a six-month moratorium on evictions and
house burnings to allow more time for housing studies and of fer relief to residents.”
Since the City lacked jurisdiction to evict residents on Tribal land or unilaterally stop
evictions, this moratorium required negotiation and agreement from those with actual
eviction authority – the BIA, Tribal landowners, and Tribal conservators. Therefo re, it would
be more accurate to say Bogert “announced” or “negotiated” a moratorium rather than
“declared”, since “declared” incorrectly suggests the City had independent authority to
issue this moratorium.
The moratorium’s impact was positive - the Desert Sun noted that a spokesperson for
nearly 50 Section 14 residents described the situation as “more hopeful than at any time in
many months.”2
More detail on this moratorium is included at the end of this document.
Sought Public Housing Assistance (pg 79): The Study notes that Bogert worked to secure
“assistance from the FHA and HHFA to figure out federal housing options (for Section 14
residents).”
The moratorium that Bogert brokered not only gave residents time to find new housing, but
also came with a “promise from FHA representatives to the City Council that action would
be speeded to certify city eligibility for financing guarantees for low -cost housing, both
private homes and rental property.”3
Worked for “Years” on Housing (pg 79): According to the Study, Bogert spent “years... to
find housing funding for Section 14 residents facing eviction.”
This aligns with contemporary Desert Sun reporting, which described Bogert working
“tirelessly”4 over a 10-year period, both during and after his mayoral term, to secure low -
cost housing. His efforts included:
• Advocating for city zoning changes to allow affordable housing
• Repeatedly pursuing federal housing assistance
• Encouraging private financiers to build affordable housing
2 Desert Sun, “Time-out Called on Section 14,” June 27, 1961
3 Desert Sun, “Time-out Called on Section 14,” June 27, 1961
4 Desert Sun, Volume 35, Number 12, August 18, 1961
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“Years-Long Effort” Resulted in North-End Housing Approval (pg 79): The Study
confirms that Bogert’s “years-long effort” resulted in an FHA-funded development
approval for 150-200 families in North Palm Springs.
This also aligns with contemporary Desert Sun reporting:
“Since Bogert was elected to the council almost three years ago, (he) has been
working steadily to get private money to build a low -cost rental unit project for
(Section 14 residents)”5
“The Mayor, working tirelessly for a low-cost housing project, had asked
(developers) some months ago if (they) couldn't come up with a solution to the ever -
increasing problem of homes for the scores of people who are residing in Section
14”6
Proposed and Led a Section 14 Citizens Committee (pg 80): While the ARG states that
“The City Council establishes a Section 14 advisory committee, appointing the mayor,
Berbon Abner (NAACP), Reverend J. Rollins (pastor of the First Baptist Church)” and other
community leaders, City Council minutes show that Bogert himself proposed this
committee, appointed its members, and served as its leader.7
The committee helped residents find alternative housing, shared crucial information and
dates, and informed them about federal funding offering 100% financing for relocation. In
June 1961, when tasked with deciding about further burning in Section 14, this
committee—including Bogert, NAACP representatives, and Black community leaders—
determined “that the remaining buildings be torn down and removed to the dump; also
that piles of rubbish be removed to the dump, instead of being burned. The Mayor was of
the opinion that there should be no more burning.”8 This shows that while BIA-led evictions
and burnings continued, Bogert and Black community leaders opposed further burnings on
Section 14.
Unattributed examples of Bogert helping Section 14 residents
In several instances, the Study cites actions the City took to address displacement
hardships, but doesn’t mention Bogert by name. In reality, he led these actions.
Human Relations Commission (pgs 85 and 93): The ARG Study references the Human
Relations Committee, which was established to “combat intolerance, bigotry and
discrimination among ethnic groups.” This commission later handled Section 14
abatement complaints and worked to find low-cost housing for Section 14 residents.
5 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 136, January 6, 1961
6 Desert Sun, Volume 35, Number 12, August 18, 1961
7 Palm Springs City Council Minutes, June 12, 1961, 6 -7
8 Palm Springs City Council Minutes, June 12, 1961, 6 -7
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Bogert’s Connection: Bogert spearheaded the formation of this commission by leading its
first study group meeting9. He appointed a diverse, multiracial committee that included
key community leaders: Rev. Rollins (First Baptist Church), Eileen Miguel (Agua Caliente
Tribe), Rabbi Joe Hurwitz (Bogert’s close friend who later spoke at his funeral), John
Quinonez (Mexican American community leader), and Wardell Ward (Black community
leader). Charlie Jordan, whom Bogert hired as the City’s first black employee, later joined
this committee. The Desert Sun stated, Bogert “outlined some of the aims of the present
committee. Among them, he said, would be its relationship with economic opportunity
programs and with the city’s workable program which would pave the way for federal aid in
low-cost housing developments.”10
After Bogert’s term ended, the commission unanimously passed a resolution supporting
the low-cost housing project proposed by Bogert and Rev. Rollins, though the Council
ultimately rejected it. The commission, which included black community leaders,
specifically recommended that the “city council consider the present (Bogert) project” and
explore other affordable housing options.11
Mayor Pro Tem deHarte claimed after the Report's release, without evidence, that this
committee investigated Bogert’s alleged Section 14 wrongdoing. This contradicts historical
records showing that Bogert helped establish the committee and that it actively supported
his housing initiatives. The Commission’s chair, Rabbi Hurwitz, spoke at Bogert’s funeral.
$2.5M Housing Project (pg 102): The Study mentions that “The FHA approved a $2.5
million, 150 to 200-unit apartment development for North Palm Springs in August 1961, but
the developer partnership fell apart and the project was never built.”
Bogert’s Connection: This development was actually “the upshot of a previous request, of
several months standing, by Mayor Bogert of (the developer) to seek a solution to the
problem of homes for the residents of Section 14.”12
While the HRC Report cited this development, it intentionally omitted Bogert’s role in
proposing it, supporting their false premise that he made no effort to address Section 14
harms.
FHA Housing Certificates (pg 81): The Study states, “The Council authorizes the building
inspector to issue certificates of eligibility for FHA Program 221, under Resolution No.
6746. It does not appear that Section 14 residents knew about these certificates, “nor did
they apply for or receive relocation funds.”
Bogert’s Connection: These certificates were secured through Bogert’s direct efforts to
obtain federal housing assistance for Section 14 residents. The Study’s claim about
residents’ lack of awareness of these certificates relies on flawed methodology,
9 Desert Sun, Volume 39, Number 131, January 5, 1966
10 Desert Sun, Volume 39, Number 131, January 5, 1966
11 Desert Sun, Volume 41, Number 47, 28 September 1967
12 Desert Sun, “The Section 14 Story III, Elation Over Housing Okay Fades as Recession Comes,”
November 15, 1968
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specifically limited interviews with only a few residents. The Section 14 Housing
Committee, which Bogert led alongside Black community leaders, had an explicit mandate
to inform residents about these relocation benefits. Their primary task was to educate the
community about Section 221 assistance, which offered 100% financing with only $200
down for those being relocated. Evidence of Bogert’s involvement in this program is
documented in the Appendix, which includes a photograph of him with a housing
certificate.
On multiple occasions, Bogert challenged an all-white City Council to support
housing projects for Black community leaders cited in the Study and hired the
City’s first-ever Black employee despite potential resistance from “whites”
The HRC Report wrongly accused Bogert of “persecuting” minority residents. In reality, the
record clearly shows he championed and uplifted Black community leaders.
The Study highlights several Black community leaders who worked to help Section 14
residents. Bogert actively supported these initiatives, often standing against an all -white
Council to advocate for Section 14 residents.
Lawrence Crossley (pgs 102-103): The Study states that Black City pioneer “Lawrence
Crossley and developer Robert Gould were denied zoning approval for an affordable
housing development east of town multiple times.”
Bogert’s Connection: Bogert opposed the Council’s denial and advocated for the project’s
approval. The Desert Sun reported:
“Mayor Frank Bogert, long active in trying to solve the housing problems of the
minority groups in Section 14 said he thought the Gould -Crossley project would be a
good thing. ‘I think we ought to stretch a point and let them have the zoning they
want,’ he said. ‘Due to the housing emergency at the present time, we have to lean
over backwards.”13
As noted in the Study, the project’s zoning was ultimately approved. At this same council
meeting, Bogert also emphasized, ”I don’t want to see another slum area. If someone is
going to build a place for these people, it should be good.”14 It was one of several
instances of him speaking out for better living conditions for Section 14 residents.
Bogert and Crossley were friends and former colleagues.15
Rev. Jeff Rollins (pg 102): The Study quotes community leader Rev. Rollins’s 1967
statement about African American housing in Palm Springs: “It’s pretty difficult. Hundreds
13 Desert Sun, “The Section 14 Story III, Elation Over Housing Okay Fades as Recession Comes,”
November 15, 1968
14 Desert Sun, “The Section 14 Story III, Elation Over Housing Okay Fades as Recession Comes,”
November 15, 1968
15 Desert Sun, “Mexican heritage deeply ingrained in the story of Palm Springs”, July 26, 2020
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of people have left here on that account…The price of housing is so extortionate that
people can’t hardly work here.”
Bogert’s Connection: Rollins made this statement after the City Council rejected a low -
cost-housing project that he and Bogert had developed over several months. Bogert, who
had left office the previous year due to his wife’s failing health , championed this project,
telling the council:
There is a great demand for low-cost housing for the working force in the city.
Something must be done for them…There were a lot of fine people moved out of
Section 14.”16 He further advocated, “We do need enough (low-cost housing) to
take care of our labor force. There is a terrific demand for housing for the working
people”
Following the council’s rejection, the Desert Sun reported, “Former Mayor Frank Bogert,
who said he had worked for 10 years or more on getting low -cost housing for the area, said
it was obvious the council wouldn’t listen to the proposal. Rev. Jeff Rollins, pastor of the
First Baptist Church which would have been sponsor of the development, termed the
action short-sighted on the part of the council.”17
During Mayor Bogert’s term in the 1980s, he and Rollins collaborated on several initiatives
to strengthen Palm Springs’ Black community. Their joint efforts included establishing the
Bishop College Extension Center, launching the GET employment program, and making
vital infrastructure improvements to the Desert Highland neighborhood.
Charlie Jordan (pg 106): The Study identifies Jordan, a Section 14 resident, as “assistant to
the city manager and Palm Springs’ first African American employee” who promised that
“persons displaced as the result of Urban Renewal Program demolition of Section 14
would have top priority” for homes in Seminole Gardens, the City’s first federally funded
housing.
Bogert’s Connection: The Study incorrectly dates Jordan’s hiring to 1967. In fact, Bogert
hired Jordan in 1961 as a recreation supervisor, despite potential resistance from white
city officials. A Los Angeles Times reporter noted :
“It was then Mayor Frank Bogert who gave him a job as a recreation supervisor.
Jordan said he had suggested to Bogert at the time, 1961, that he might not be
accepted by whites in that position. Bogert had been adamant about going ahead
with the job offer, and it was the beginning of a brilliant career for Jordan.”18
Jordan collaborated with Bogert on several initiatives to help Section 14 residents and was
instrumental in completing Seminole Gardens. During his 1987 Palm Springs High School
commencement speech, Jordan thanked Bogert for taking a chance on him.19
16 Desert Sun, Volume 40, Number 235, May 5, 1967
17 Desert Sun, Volume 41, Number 99, November 28, 1967
18 “Take Back the Times”, Ken Reich, October 29, 2006
19 Desert Sun, “Commencement speaker: You can go home again,” June 12, 1987
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Bogert fought against the documented mistreatment and exploitation of Tribal
Members
The ARG’s Study documents numerous instances of wrongdoing against Tribal members
by conservators, government officials, and local officials. While the HRC Report tries to tie
Bogert to these misdeeds by deceptively inserting his name into plagiarized text, the Study
itself makes no such connection.
In fact, Bogert not only stood apart from this wrongdoing but actively spoke out against it
and advocated for Tribal rights. Consider these examples:
Page 18: The Study describes the abusive Conservator program, noting that the 1968 Task
Force report and George Ringwald’s Pulitzer Prize-winning investigation exposed its
failures. The Task Force concluded that the guardianship system was “intolerably costly to
the Indians in both human and economic terms” and required replacement or major
revision.
What Bogert Said: In a bold stance against the conservator program, Bogert told George
Ringwald, “I’ve always been for the Indian and I’ve been against the conservators because
most of them haven’t done anything for the Indian.” Ringwald noted this was “the most
critical comment made by anyone from within the conservator group.”20
Page 16: The Study details how local businessmen, lawyers, realtors, and public officials
could petition to manage Agua Caliente estates. Agua Caliente member Edmund Peter
“Pete” Siva recalled in 1968, “It was right around 1960 -61 when this thing got rolling, and
everybody was grabbing himself an Indian.” Judge McCabe’s dual role in appointing
conservators and approving their fees, while sometimes serving as executor himself,
created a corrupt environment.
What Bogert Said: Speaking in 1991, Bogert confirmed his opposition to this corruption:
“There were a lot of abuses...I was a conservator for (Pete Siva), and I was the first to turn
someone loose. The judge (McCabe) was very angry.”21
Bogert became Siva’s conservator at his family’s request. While the HRC Report accuses
Bogert of financial abuse, Siva became a lifelong friend, and his family has called the HRC
Report “disgusting” and “slander(ous).” Siva’s widow opposed removing Bogert’s statue.
The City and HRC ignored requests to remove their family’s names from the Report.
Page 17: The Study acknowledges that “Not all conservators and guardians acted
corruptly – in fact, the 1968 Task Force repeatedly notes that most acted ethically and did
not abuse their power.”
The Study never identifies Bogert as a corrupt conservator. This stands in stark contrast to
the HRC Report, which incorrectly claims that Bogert was found “guilty” of financially
exploiting Siva. When examining over 165 pages of Congressional testimony a bout the
20 Daily Enterprise. “Some fee splitting acknowledged in Indian cases,” December 7, 1967
21 Desert Sun, “Checkerboard, Greed, Lies and a Modern Fable,” October 13, 1991
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Task Force’s findings, Bogert is alluded to indirectly only once, and in a positive light: he
was noted as being the first person to voluntarily terminate his own conservatorship role.22
What Bogert Said: The Study references a letter from Bogert to Judge McCabe that reveals
his genuine care for the Tribe and its culture, while acknowledging the complexities of
managing Tribal and City land. In this letter, Bogert described his paternal relationship with
Siva and criticized banks serving as conservators, calling them “just cold, disinterested
parties and they do not see the Indian or go near (them).”23
Bogert went against the City Council and advocated for Tribal rights to zone and
control Section 14
As the Study correctly notes, while the Agua Caliente-City relationship was cooperative
regarding Section 14 tenant removal - evidenced by the Tribal Council’s April 1966 letter
thanking the City for its abatement work - tensions persisted over future land development.
Bogert stood out as the lone City Council member who actively worked to reduce these
tensions, seeking practical zoning solutions despite unclear laws and lack of legal
precedent.
Page 66: “The negotiated ordinance agreement of 1966 did not last long. Zoning
disagreements between the Tribe and the City arose again as the City protested plans for
higher-density development projects on Agua Caliente lands, again asserting jurisdiction
despite the negotiated exceptions to the zoning code.”
Bogert’s Advocacy: Both during his time as Mayor and afterward as a private citizen, Bogert
consistently championed Tribal control over its lands, particularly regarding zoning rights.
The Study references a paper titled “From Squatter to Conservator” that highlights Boger t’s
support for Tribal rights. When white city leaders claimed Tribal zoning control would
create “chaos,” Bogert challenged this “prevalent civic view,” stating:
“Indians have a good planning personnel. They have a higher standard of
development projects on their land than a lot of whites do.”24
Page 62: Bogert openly criticized the Council for delaying zoning ordinances based on
fears that it would “make the Tribe a lot of money and also depreciate the value of white
land”. The Study notes, “Mayor Frank Bogert expressed frustration with the City’s short -
sighted position”.
22 Hearing before the Subcommittee on Indian Affairs of the Committee on Interior and Insular
Affairs
House of Representatives, May 31, 1968, pg 90 -258
23 “A Brief Summary by Frank Bogert Relative to His Experience with Indians and Indian Matters in
the Palm Springs Area. January 11, 1962
24 Berman, Burt. “From Squatter to Conservator: Effects of Federal Policy on the Agua Caliente
Band of Cahuilla Indians and Their Land, 1850 -1974.”
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What Bogert Said: In a letter to Judge Hilton McCabe, Bogert wrote, “Unfortunately the
council or the majority of the council, has the attitude that they are giving the Indian
something which will make him a lot of money, and also depreciate the value of white land
on Palm Canyon, and therefore they want to hold back on all higher types of zoning that
they possibly can.”25
Pages 64-65: While the Study documents frequent disputes between the City and Tribe
over zoning rights and Section 14 development in the early 1960s, Bogert consistently
urged the Council to cooperate with the Tribe, even suggesting compromises on specific
zoning issues. The Tribe recognized his efforts, as evidenced in their 1962 annual report,
where Tribal Chair Eileen Miguel stated:
“Our appreciation goes to...Mayor Frank Bogert of Palm Springs who has
consistently demonstrated that he had both the interests of the Indian people and
the City of Palm Springs at heart, and who has time and time again expended
commendable effort in helping find a solution for some of our problems.”26
Page 57: “(The Tribal Council) remained all -female until the early 1960s. Its chairmen
during this time, Vyola Olinger and Eileen Miguel, established a stronger relationship with
the City in pursuit of the two entities’ shared economic interest in profitable deve lopment
of Section 14.”
What Bogert Said: This “stronger relationship” emerged with Bogert’s mayoral tenure
beginning in 1958, as documented in his letter to Judge McCabe.
“As Mayor of Palm Springs, and a member of the City Council, I have done
everything possible in the last four years to make good relations between the city
and the Indians and the Indian Tribal council. At this juncture we have been getting
along better than any time in the past, as the city and the Mayor immediately before
me…were continuously at sword’s point with the Indians. We have nothing but the
finest cooperation from the Indian Tribal council.”27
Former Tribal Chair Viola Ortner concurred, saying in an interview, “We had a real good
relationship between the two councils at that time.”28
Page 14: The Study describes 1959 changes that extended lease terms to 99 years and
equalized allotments created new opportunities for Agua Caliente allottees. These
changes finally enabled them to secure leases that would provide meaningful financial
returns, helping lift them from the poverty they had endured since White settlers arrived.
25 “A Brief Summary by Frank Bogert Relative to His Experience with Indians and Indian Matters in
the Palm Springs Area
26 Agua Caliente Annual Report, 1962
27 A Brief Summary by Frank Bogert Relative to His Experience with Indians and Indian Matters in the
Palm Springs Area. January 11, 1962
28 Desert Sun, “Ortner Talks on Role as New City Official,” April 28, 1980
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Bogert’s Connection: Bogert partnered with this all -female tribe to overturn restrictive
leasing laws that had prevented them from developing their valuable lands. As the Desert
Sun reported:
“Ortner and her councilmembers began regularly traveling to Washington, D.C., often
accompanied by Mayor Frank Bogert, to lobby Congress for the ability to make long -term
leases. As she says in her book, ‘If successful, in either its full glory or some var iant, the
Palm Springs deal would allow the Agua Caliente Cahuilla to seize their own destiny and
bring economic prosperity to the ‘land rich but cash poor’ members of the tribe.’”29
Ortner herself concurred in a 2013 interview with C-Span, saying, “The city has helped us
at different times when we needed help with their legislators in Sacramento and
Washington DC. So it became a good working relationship that continues to this day”30
Former Tribal Chair Richard Milanovich emphasized Bogert’s crucial role in helping pass
long-term leasing laws, telling the Desert Sun:
“Bogert’s contribution to regional Tribes is significant...Hotels eventually developed
major properties on the Tribe’s land, Milanovich said. ‘You couldn’t get long -term
commercial leasing from the (Bureau of Indian Affairs) before Bogert added his
lobbying muscle. This was very important.”31
The HRC Report misrepresented Milanovich’s words to suggest Bogert participated in a
scheme to “dispossess” Tribal members of their lands. In reality, the record shows he did
the opposite, playing a vital role in helping the Tribe gain control over their l and and escape
poverty. Milanovich, in fact, spoke at Bogert’s 2009 funeral, noting that the mayor had
been an inspiration to him growing up32.
The Milanovich family condemned the HRC Report as “disgusting” and expressed anger
that their name was used in efforts to remove the statue.
A Tribal Vice Chair called the statue’s removal an “injustice” and provided a first-hand
account that refuted allegations made in the Report.
Unlike the HRC Report, the ARG Study does not take Bogert’s quotes about
Section 14's living conditions and demographics out of context
The HRC Report misused several of Bogert’s quotes about Section 14's conditions and
demographics to incorrectly suggest racial motivation and insensitivity in the City’s
29 The Desert Sun, 'You Can't Eat Dirt': Tribal leader Vyola Ortner and the transformation of Section
14, July 3, 2020
30 Viola Ortner, C-Span Interview, May 7, 2013
31 Desert Sun, “Cowboy to some, legend to Valley,” March 4, 2005
32 Desert Sun, “A lifetime of leadership,” March 12, 2012
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cleanup efforts. The ARG Study omits these quotes, likely because they don’t contribute to
explaining the historical context.
For instance, when Bogert stated in January 1965 that “(The Tribal allottees) are letting the
places for flat-out moochers,” he was specifically referring to squatters who had occupied
abandoned homes after legitimate residents relocated before the City’s 1965 Clean-Up
Campaign. Multiple sources confirm these unauthorized occupants:
• “You Can’t Eat Dirt” notes that “some on the (Section 14) land were renters but
many are squatters illegally housed.”
• The Desert Sun (1962) reported evictions were “complicated by apparent squatters
who pay no land rent renting structures to other parties.”
• A Desert Sun article (1962) described abandoned structures as “the habitat of many
transient undesirables who set up outdoor cooking and unsatisfactory sanitation
facilities.”
• The Desert Sun’s Editorial Board (1968) stated that many “deteriorating and
dilapidated shacks were then occupied by squatters…and in many cases non rent
paying.”
Bogert also stated: “I was scared to death that someone from Life magazine was going to
come out and see the poverty, the cardboard houses, and do a story about the poor people
and horrible conditions in Palm Springs.” This quote expressed genuine concern about
conditions that the Desert Sun described as a “cancerous slum area” plagued by crime,
unsanitary living conditions, fire hazards, and substandard housing. His statement showed
worry for both resident welfare and tourism impact (the City's primary sou rce of revenue),
rather than disregard for Section 14 inhabitants.
The HRC Report includes another Bogert quote: “They were poor Blacks…They began to
come from Texas or wherever and settled in the (Section 14) Indian land, where they could
live rent-free. Some of the hotels in the center of town thought this was a bad ima ge for the
center of Palm Springs.”
The HRC incorrectly frames this statement as a racial defense of the City’s actions. In
context, Bogert was simply stating demographic facts and addressing unauthorized
occupancy issues. His reference to a “bad image” clearly addressed the substandard,
slum-like conditions, not the residents’ racial identity.
A single 1961 Desert Sun article encapsulates the truth about Mayor Bogert's
Section 14 actions, confirms the ARG Study’s findings, and discredits the HRC
Report
A single Desert Sun article reveals the truth about Bogert, epitomizing his actual efforts to
help Section 14 residents - efforts that directly contradict the HRC Report’s justification for
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removing his statue. The article details specific examples and broader references of what
the ARG Study termed his “years-long work” supporting Section 14 residents.
Throughout the Study, the ARG correctly highlights the BIA’s role in the Section 14
problems, including eviction issues and the Bureau’s indifference toward Section 14
residents. It also describes the complex events leading to the Section 14 evictions.
Page 14: The Study states, “In all cases, the BIA appears to have been alternately
inattentive toward and encouraging of tenant displacement, with occasional statements of
concern.”
While serving as Mayor, Frank Bogert worked to protect Section 14 residents from both BIA
negligence and problematic federal laws that created the Section 14 crisis. A June 1961
Desert Sun article illuminates the conflict between the BIA and Section 14 residents, and
Bogert’s efforts to resolve it.33
When the BIA issued eviction notices to all homes on Section 14 in the spring of 1961 —
ARG incorrectly attributed this abatement campaign to the City when the BIA had initiated
and spearheaded it—some residents returned to find their homes reduced to ashes and
came to Bogert for help (cited on pg 77 in the Study).
Responding to residents’ complaints, Bogert created a citizens committee of Section 14
residents (cited on page 80 in the Study), appointing members of the Black community and
the head of the local NAACP chapter to address these issues.
Under Bogert’s leadership, this committee met with the Assistant Secretary of the Interior
(which oversaw the BIA), who traveled to Palm Springs to evaluate the situation. The
Assistant Secretary stated his department’s primary concern was “the best use of the land
for the benefit of the Indians,” which effectively meant evicting and displacing Section 14
residents.
Two revealing quotes from the article highlight the competing priorities between the
Department of Interior/BIA and Bogert/Section 14 residents:
“Bogert was vigorous in attempting to make welfare arrangements for the residents
of Section 14.
"We have certain welfare responsibilities too, but they are to do with Indians.” –
Asst Secretary Dept of Interior.
The article describes Bogert’s advocacy for Section 14 residents during this meeting: “The
biggest scandal,” (Bogert) maintained “is that people are forced to live in these conditions
because we haven’t done anything about it.” He told the assistant secretary that the city
was doing everything it could to see low -cost housing was made available to the present
Section 14 residents.” Despite the Federal Government’s role in creating the Section 14
33 Desert Sun, Officials Open Section 14 Study”, June 23, 1961
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crisis, the Department of Interior and BIA refused to assist with relocation efforts, claiming
it was outside their “jurisdiction.”
Despite these conflicts and the federal government’s intent on developing the land for
Tribal benefit, Bogert negotiated and secured a solution to protect Section 14 residents.
One week after this meeting, he announced a 6-month moratorium, giving resident s time
to find new housing while allowing the City to continue pursuing federal housing funds.
This single article epitomizes Bogert’s genuine actions as Mayor in the 1960s, several of
which appear in the Study:
• He made “vigorous attempts to make welfare arrangements for Section 14
residents.”
• He did “everything” to “see low -cost housing was made available to the present
Section 14 residents”, described in the Study as a “years-long effort” (pg 79).
• He established and led a citizens committee including Black community leaders
and the local NAACP chapter head (cited on pg 80).
• He secured and announced a 6-month moratorium to give residents time to find
housing (cited on page 79).
• He openly criticized the City’s inadequate response to Section 14's poor living
conditions, calling it a “scandal.”
The evidence is clear – Bogert championed Section 14 residents, defended minority and
indigenous residents, worked “tirelessly” to secure housing for displaced residents,
advocated for Tribal rights when it was unpopular, and challenged injustices by feder al and
local officials.
The Palm Springs City Council’s decision to remove Frank Bogert’s statue relied on
falsehoods and distortions of historical facts.
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APPENDIX
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The True Story of Frank Bogert & Section 14
Background
On July 13, 2022, Palm Springs City Council removed former Mayor Frank Bogert’s statue
from City Hall based on what a current Council member described as a “political effort.”
To justify this removal, the Council leveraged the City’s Human Rights Commissio n (HRC),
which drafted a report containing questionable claims about Bogert and Section 14. In May
2021, citing this report, the HRC voted to remove the statue, claiming Bogert
“demonstrated no effort to address the harms caused by (Section 14 evictions).”
This document presents definitive evidence that contradicts the HRC’s justification for the
statue’s removal and provides an accurate account of Bogert’s actions as Mayor regarding
Section 14. Historical records clearly show that Bogert worked “tirelessly” and made
“vigorous” efforts to assist Section 14 residents during one of Palm Springs’ most
challenging periods. The evidence demonstrates how Bogert, both as Mayor and private
citizen, worked to balance multiple competing interests while trying to improv e an
extraordinarily difficult situation. Specifically, he worked to:
• Support and assist Section 14 residents while minimizing the impact of necessary
evictions
• Uphold the Agua Caliente Tribe’s newly established right to develop and profit from
their valuable Palm Springs properties
• Address what the Desert Sun termed a “cancerous slum” characterized by crime,
unsafe conditions, and frequent fires
This document includes:
1. 14 Facts about Frank Bogert’s actions relating to Section 14
2. A detailed timeline showing Bogert’s efforts to secure affordable housing for
Section 14 residents and minimize eviction impacts
3. Photos and newspaper clippings documenting Bogert and Section 14 matters
4. A comprehensive summary of Bogert’s work with Black community leaders and his
assistance to Section 14 residents
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14 Facts About Frank Bogert & Section 14
FACT #1: As Mayor from 1958-1966, Bogert served ALL residents during an incredibly
complex period in the City’s history and took actions to improve the wellbeing of tribal
members, Section 14 residents, and the entire community.
In Agua Caliente’s 1962 Annual Report, Tribal Chair Eileen Miguel stated:
“Our appreciation goes to...Mayor Frank Bogert of Palm Springs who has consistently
demonstrated that he had both the interests of the Indian people and the City of Palm
Springs at heart, and who has time and time again expended commendable effort in
helping find a solution for some of our problems.”
During his tenure as Mayor, Bogert worked directly with all key Section 14 stakeholders to
find solutions to the complex circumstances facing everyone involved. These stakeholders
included Tribal leaders, the First Baptist Church, the NAACP, clergy, Lawren ce Crossley,
minority residents of Section 14, State and Federal government officials, the Bureau of
Indian Affairs, and other community leaders.
Despite the significant challenges posed by federal restrictions on Tribal lands, Bogert
worked simultaneously to:
1. Support the Tribe’s newfound right to develop its valuable Section 14 lands
2. Assist Section 14 residents with relocations
3. Improve the hazardous living conditions in Section 14 for the benefit of the entire
community
FACT #2: Records show Bogert fought “vigorously” to help Section 14 residents and
worked “tirelessly” to secure affordable housing for these residents.
In June of 1961, The Desert Sun quoted a high -ranking federal government official as
saying:
“Bogert was vigorous in attempting to make welfare arrangements for the residents of
Section 14.”
These “vigorous attempts” included:
• Working directly with the BIA and Tribal property owners to delay evictions and
home demolitions
• Creating and leading a Citizens Committee with members of the black community
to assist Section 14 residents with relocations
• Hiring the city’s first Black employee to assist with Section 14 solutions
• Securing FHA down payment assistance for evictees
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• Helping create the city’s first Human Relations Committee to address displacement
hardships and complaints
The Desert Sun described Bogert as working “tirelessly” over a 10 -year period, both during
and after his Mayoral term, to secure low -cost housing for Section 14 residents. His efforts
included:
• Advocating for zoning amendments to allow affordable housing
• Repeatedly lobbying for federal housing funds and programs
• Overseeing affordable housing development within and just outside the city
• Pushing private financiers to build affordable housing for Section 14 residents
Select quotes from the 1960s Desert Sun demonstrate Bogert’s housing efforts:
• “The Mayor, working tirelessly for a low -cost housing project, had asked
(developers) some months ago if (they) couldn’t come up with a solution to the ever -
increasing problem of homes for the scores of people who are residing in Section
14”
• “Mayor Frank Bogert...has sought to promote a minority housing development in
the Palm Springs area”
• “Since Bogert was elected to the council almost three years ago, (he) has been
working steadily to get private money to build a low -cost rental unit project for
(Section 14 residents)”
Despite extensive documentation of Bogert’s efforts to help Section 14 residents, the
Human Rights Commission claimed in its Report that he “Demonstrated no effort to
address the harms caused by (Section 14 evictions).” The Report makes similar false
claims 16 different times.
A review of the City’s 2024 Draft Housing Element reveals significant differences in
affordable housing development over time. In the 1960s, the city developed several
housing projects, including Seminole Gardens (60 affordable apartments) and Tahquitz
Court Apartments (108 market-rate apartments), along with Desert Highland single-family
homes (FHA-eligible), Veterans Tract, and the Crossley Tract. In contrast, from 2011 -2021,
the city built no affordable multifamily housing units.
FACT #3: Neither Bogert nor the City had the authority to evict residents, stop
evictions unilaterally, or demolish homes without permission from the Tribal
landowner or their representative.
The authority to process evictions during Bogert’s mayoral tenure rested exclusively with
the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Tribal landowners, conservators, and/or guardians - not with
Bogert or the City. This remains true today, as the City still lacks author ity to evict anyone
from Tribal lands. Additionally, home demolition required approval from landowners or
their representatives. structures 2023
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Recent claims by the City’s Human Rights Commission and SF Gate that Bogert led or
ordered the clearing of Section 14 in the early 1960s are demonstrably false. Neither
Bogert nor the City possessed the authority to evict residents or unilaterally demolish
homes on Section 14.
FACT #4: Bogert advocated for Section 14 residents by securing a 6 -month moratorium
on BIA-led evictions in 1961.
When the Bureau of Indian Affairs issued eviction notices to all 430 remaining homes on
Section 14 in spring 1961, setting a June 30th deadline for removal to allow “highest and
best use” development for Tribal landowners, Bogert took action. The moratoriu m was
announced after Bogert brokered a meeting between tribal representatives, the BIA and
Section 14 residents, successfully negotiating a 6-month moratorium on evictions.
This moratorium gave residents time to find new housing while the City pursued federal
housing assistance. The Desert Sun reported that Federal Housing Authority
representatives promised to expedite the city’s eligibility for financing guarantees for low -
cost housing, including both private homes and rental properties.
While Bogert recognized the need to slow down evictions during this housing transition, he
was clear about the City’s limitations. As reported in the Desert Sun, “Mayor Bogert
explained that the city was not involved in the evictions and could not interced e” when a
resident complained about losing her home.
The moratorium’s impact was positive - the Desert Sun noted that a spokesperson for
nearly 50 Section 14 residents described the situation as “more hopeful than at any time in
many months.”
FACT #5: Bogert publicly advocated for resolving minority housing issues
Bogert repeatedly urged the City, Federal officials, residents, and private entities to
address Section 14 residents’ housing needs. Here are some of his public statements:
• “Something must be done for them...There were a lot of fine people moved out of
Section 14.”
• “The biggest scandal,” (Bogert) maintained “is that people are forced to live in these
(slum-like) conditions because we haven’t done anything about it.”
• “We do need enough (low-cost housing) to take care of our labor force. There is a
terrific demand for housing for the working people”
• “I don’t want to see another slum area. If someone is going to build a place for
(Section 14 residents), it should be good.” He realized that people living in Section
14 were living in substandard conditions that were unsanitary and hazardous and
advocated that all people regardless of race or economic status deserved to live in
safe housing.
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FACT #6: Bogert championed Tribal Sovereignty, supported Tribal interests in Section
14's development, and helped overturn discriminatory leasing laws
In the 1950s, federal leasing restrictions prevented Tribal members from developing their
lands, leaving them “just dirt rich,” as former Tribal Chair Viola Ortner wrote in her memoir.
Bogert assisted the newly-elected all-female Tribal Council in their efforts to overturn
these laws. The Desert Sun reported:
“Ortner and her councilmembers began regularly traveling to Washington, D.C., often
accompanied by Mayor Frank Bogert, to lobby Congress for the ability to make long -term
leases. As she says in her book, ‘If successful, in either its full glory or some variant, the
Palm Springs deal would allow the Agua Caliente Cahuilla to seize their own destiny and
bring economic prosperity to the ‘land rich but cash poor’ members of the tribe.’”
Former Tribal Chair Richard Milanovich later acknowledged Bogert’s crucial role, telling the
Desert Sun: “Bogert’s contribution to regional Tribes is significant...Hotels eventually
developed major properties on the Tribe’s land. You couldn’t get long-term commercial
leasing from the (Bureau of Indian Affairs) before Bogert added his lobbying muscle. This
was very important.”
In a 1962 letter about his experiences with Tribal matters as Mayor, Bogert wrote: ”As
Mayor of Palm Springs, and a member of the City Council, I have done everything possible
in the last four years to make good relations between the city and the Indians and the
Indian Tribal council. At this juncture we have been getting along better th an any time in the
past, as the city and the Mayor immediately before me...were continuously at sword’s point
with the Indians. We have nothing but the finest cooperation from the Indian Tribal
council.”
In this letter, he also expressed deep appreciation for Tribal culture and traditions, while
criticizing fellow council members who rejected tribal zoning proposals for Section 14.
As noted in Fact #1, the Tribe thanked Bogert in 1962 for his “commendable effort in
helping find a solution for some of (the Tribe’s) problems.”
That same year, “In a letter appearing in the 1962 progress report of the Agua Client Indian
Tribal Council, Frank Bogert praised ‘the friendly negotiations’ between the Palm Springs
City Council and the Indian Tribal Council. ‘The continued cooperation between the
Indians and the townspeople is certain and will stimulate progress far beyond the dreams
of most people’...”
Vyola Ortner confirmed, “We had a real good relationship between the two councils at
that time.”
Throughout both his Mayoral term and as a private citizen, Bogert consistently advocated
for Tribal control of its lands, particularly regarding zoning. When white city leaders
claimed tribal zoning would be “chaotic,” Bogert challenged this “prevalent civ ic view.” In
1974, he stated:
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“Indians have a good planning personnel. They have a higher standard of development
projects on their land than a lot of whites do.”
Despite Bogert’s extensive history of supporting Tribal rights and sovereignty, the Human
Rights Commission alleged he participated in a scheme to “dispossess” tribal members of
their lands and financially exploited them. To support these unfounded claims, the
Commission misrepresented quotes from two of Bogert’s closest Tribal friends, Pete Siva
and Richard Milanovich.
The City’s misleading use of Tribal Elders’ quotes prompted tribal members to call the
Commission’s report “disgusting,” “appalling” and “slander(ous).” Members accused the
City of using them as “pawns” in a political game and requested their names be remo ved
from the Report. The City has not honored these requests.
FACT #7: Bogert courageously spoke out against the abusive, federally enacted
conservator program.
Bogert told Pulitzer Prize winning journalist George Ringwald:
“I’ve always been for the Indian and I’ve been against the conservators because most
of them haven’t done anything for the Indian.”
In 1991, he described the program’s abuses:
”Judge (Hilton McCabe) would appoint a conservator, they’d charge the Indian for a lawyer,
then lease the land. But they’d get the money, and the Indian wouldn’t get anything. There
were a lot of abuses...I was a conservator for (Pete Siva), and I was the first to turn
someone loose. The judge (McCabe) was very angry.”
Bogert became the first conservator to voluntarily release a tribal member, Pete Siva, from
conservatorship in 1963. In a 1962 letter, he described feeling like a “father” to Siva and
spent considerable time helping him with personal matters. He criticized banks serving as
conservators, noting they were “just cold, disinterested parties and they do not see the
Indian or go near (them).”
The City and HRC have falsely claimed Bogert “mismanaged” Siva’s conservatorship.
Siva’s daughters have publicly objected to these accusations, calling them “disgusting”
and requesting the city “remove our father’s name from the HRC resolution, and from th e
City Council’s agenda.” The city has not complied. Siva’s widow, Bernadine, wrote in 2020
that Bogert was an “honorable man” and opposed the statue’s removal. She detailed how
Bogert reluctantly became Conservator at the Siva family’s request.
As Tribal Chair in April 1966, Pete Siva thanked the city for helping clean up Section 14. He
later helped abolish the Conservator program in the late 1960s. Bogert and Siva
maintained their friendship, with Siva hosting a victory celebration at his home w hen
Bogert won the mayoral election in 1982.
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FACT #8: Bogert collaborated with NAACP leadership and Reverend Jeff Rollins to
assist Section 14 residents through the “Special Committee on Minority Group
Housing Problems”
In 1961, Bogert proposed, established and led a multiracial citizens committee called the
“Special Committee on Minority Group Housing Problems.” The committee included
Berbon Abner, local NAACP chapter head, and Rev. Jeff Rollins, with whom Bogert worked
throughout and after his mayoral term to secure housing for Section 14 residents. The
committee’s objectives included:
• “Assist relocated (Section 14) families in finding alternative housing”
• “Inform the community and those being relocated about the assistance they were
eligible for under Section 221, which provided 100% financing for relocation with
only $200 down” for Section 14 residents
• Inform the community of substandard conditions in Section 14
• Communicate important updates and details to all key parties involved.
FACT #9: Bogert directly hired Charlie Jordan–the City’s first ever Black employee and
a Section 14 resident–despite potential pushback from “whites”.
According to a Los Angeles Times reporter, Bogert offered Charlie Jordan a “job as a
recreation supervisor. Jordan said he had suggested to Bogert at the time, 1961, that he
might not be accepted by whites in that position. Bogert had been adamant about go ing
ahead with the job offer, and it was the beginning of a brilliant career for Jordan.”
Bogert and Jordan collaborated on multiple committees to assist Section 14 families.
Jordan led several initiatives to secure low -cost housing for the City’s minority residents
and played a key role in securing the City’s first federally funded housing for Section 14
residents. At a 1987 Palm Springs High School commencement speech, Jordan expressed
his gratitude to Bogert for hiring him, acknowledging the impact this opportunity had on his
successful political career.
FACT #10: After leaving office, Bogert partnered with leaders of the Black community
and continued fighting for housing for Section 14 residents.
In 1967, one year after leaving office early to care for his cancer-stricken wife and due to
financial constraints, Bogert collaborated with Black community leaders on a 250 -unit
housing complex for Section 14 residents. Together with Rev. Jeff Rollins and the First
Baptist Church, Bogert traveled to Washington DC to advocate for federal funding for the
housing development.
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The City’s Human Relations Commission, which Bogert helped establish and included
Black community leaders, supported his low-cost housing project through a formal
resolution. The Desert Sun reported that an LA-based development firm worked with
“former mayor Frank Bogert in master-minding the rent supplement project, has long-
range ideas of constructing a below mortgage interest rate program of individual
dwellings.” This program was intended to help displaced Section 14 residents. Despite
Bogert and Rollins’s public criticism, the City Council ultimately rejected this housing
project.
During Bogert’s second term as Mayor in the 1980s, he and Rollins partnered on several
initiatives benefiting the Black community, including the Bishop College Extension Center,
the GET jobs program, and infrastructure improvements in the Desert Highland a rea.
When Bogert’s first wife passed away in 1974, Rev. Rollins was the first person to visit the
Bogert residence to offer condolences.
FACT #11: Bogert supported the Clean-Up Campaign to rectify the slum -like and
dangerous living conditions in Section 14 caused by decades of federal
mismanagement of Tribal lands.
Contrary to the Human Rights Commission’s Report’s implications, Bogert’s support of
Section 14's Clean-Up Campaign wasn’t driven by financial or discriminatory motivations.
Bogert, along with the City, Tribe, and local, state, and federal agencies, sought to clean up
Section 14 due to its substandard and dangerous conditions. These conditions resulted
from discriminatory federal leasing laws enacted over nearly a century.
A Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist described Section 14 homes were:
“Death traps of tinder-dry wood where families crowd in on one another in unsanitary
profusion. Garbage and trash litter backyards and vacant lots…It is a breeding place for
crime and vice…In any community, the area would be a disgrace."
At a 1968 congressional hearing, the City’s Police Chief reported that Section 14
accounted for nearly half of the City’s crime, stating that it “Constituted a serious criminal
problem” for the community. He noted that “Purse snatching and assaults on wome n were
commonplace after dark...conditions on Section 14 were chaotic and sanitation was
nonexistent.”
In January 1961, police officer Gale Eldridge was killed in Section 14 by a burglary suspect –
the first Palm Springs officer killed in the line of duty.
Tribal Chair Vyola Ortner attributed Section 14's condition to federal leasing restrictions,
describing it as a “very bad slum.”
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Charlie Jordan, the City’s first Black employee hired by Bogert, called Section 14 homes
“sub-standard” and stressed that photos “could not adequately reflect the poor
conditions.” Mr. Jordan grew up and lived in Section 14.
The Desert Sun reported that Section 14's “shacks were bug infested and fire hazards. In
many cases several families jointly and simultaneously occupied one small shack. Fire
and police problems in the area were many and grave.”
Section 14 had become a significant fire hazard, with the Fire Department frequently
responding to fires in abandoned buildings throughout the early 1960s. The City sought to
develop the area to stabilize its tax base, as Tribal lands generated minimal, if any, tax
revenue.
In 2021, former Tribal Vice Chair Barbara Gonzales wrote to the City Council that
“cleaning up Section was not a racist issue…but a health issue.”
The Desert Sun’s Managing Editor stated in 1968:
“The City of Palm Springs has been damned for something it did - namely, conducting a
cleanup of a cancerous slum area - but without doubt it would have been equally damned
if it hadn’t!”
As Mayor, Bogert had a duty to address this “cancerous slum area” affecting the
community. While he supported the Clean-Up campaign, the City couldn’t act without
consent from the Federal Government, Tribe, or Tribal representatives. Records show
Bogert worked to improve this area while “tirelessly” seeking low -cost housing for
displaced residents.
FACT #12: Many, likely even most, Section 14 homes were demolished without City
assistance or involvement during Bogert’s term as Mayor.
Many believe the City demolished most Section 14 homes after the 1959 Equalization Act.
However, the Desert Sun reports:
“City records show that during a period from 1961 to 1963, 108 structures on Section 14
were demolished because of actions by private citizens …A period from 1959 to 1965
saw the city eliminate 21 structures as part of the Fire Department’s cooperative program
with the owners. And during the same period, 79 additional structures were removed by
owners without city cooperation or assistance .
The City did not spearhead demolitions until October 1965, with the Clean -Up campaign
lasting about 18 months. Bogert served as Mayor for only 4 of these months, from October
1965 to January 1966. Most residents had already left Section 14 before the campa ign
began, having been evicted by Tribal landowners, representatives, and the BIA.
City records released in March 2023 detail the careful process followed during the Clean -
Up campaign, ensuring residents received proper eviction notices from landowners or
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representatives and that structures were inspected before demolition to safeguard
personal items. Bogert isn’t mentioned in these records.
The historical record shows no instances of homes being demolished without proper
notice during Bogert’s 4-month mayoral oversight of the Clean-Up campaign, or during the
entire campaign. All specific complaints about premature demolitions occurred before
October 1965, when most demolitions happened with limited City involvement.
Despite the City’s limited role in pre-1965 demolitions and Bogert’s brief 4 -month oversight
of the 18-month Clean-Up Campaign, Councilmembers, Survivors, and media outlets have
accused him of overseeing Section 14's demolition.
FACT #13: Bogert advocated for zoning changes to support Lawrence Crossley’s low -
cost housing initiative
Bogert actively supported Lawrence Crossley, a prominent Black pioneer of Palm Springs
and his friend, in developing affordable housing for Section 14 residents. The plan
proposed 150 low-cost, two-story units in Section 20. As reported in The Desert Sun:
“Mayor Frank Bogert, long active in trying to solve the housing problems of the minority
groups in Section 14 said he thought the (Lawrence Crossley) project would be a good
thing.”
In his appeal to the Council, Bogert emphasized:
“I think we ought to stretch a point and let them have the zoning they want...Due to the
(Section 14) housing emergency at the present time, we have to lean over backwards.”
FACT #14: Bogert’s statements about Section 14 have been misrepresented and taken
out of context
Several of Bogert’s quotes regarding Section 14's conditions and demographics have been
misused to falsely suggest racial motivation behind the City’s cleanup efforts or
insensitivity toward residents’ welfare.
For example, his January 1965 statement,” They (the Tribal allottees) are letting the places
for flat-out moochers” specifically referred to squatters occupying abandoned homes after
legitimate residents had relocated. Multiple sources confirm the presence of these
unauthorized occupants:
• You Can’t Eat Dirt notes that ”some on the (Section 14) land were renters but many
are squatters illegally housed.”
• The Desert Sun (1962) reported evictions were ”complicated by apparent squatters
who pay no land rent renting structures to other parties.”
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• A 1966 Desert Sun article described abandoned structures as “the habitat of many
transient undesirables who set up outdoor cooking and unsatisfactory sanitation
facilities.”
• The Desert Sun’s Editorial Board (1968) stated that many “deteriorating and
dilapidated shacks were then occupied by squatters…and in many cases non
rent paying.”
Regarding Bogert’s quote: “I was scared to death that someone from Life magazine was
going to come out and see the poverty, the cardboard houses, and do a story about the
poor people and horrible conditions in Palm Springs,” this expressed legitimate concern
about conditions the Desert Sun called a “cancerous slum area.” His statement reflected
worry about both resident welfare and tourism impact, not a disregard for Section 14
inhabitants.
The Human Rights Commission mischaracterizes Bogert’s statement about "Black"
residents coming “from Texas or wherever” as a racial defense of the City’s actions. In
context, Bogert was describing demographic facts and addressing unauthorized
occupancy issues. His reference to a “bad image” clearly concerned the substandard
living conditions, not residents’ racial identity.
CONCLUSION
In summary, the 14 Facts about Frank Bogert and Section 14 highlight the unprecedented
challenges Bogert and the city faced due to the complex interweaving of City and Tribal
lands. These facts demonstrate the delicate balance that Bogert, Tribal leaders, Section 14
residents, community leaders, and the federal government had to maintain while working
within problematic federal laws affecting Tribal lands. As both Mayor and private citizen,
Bogert worked to navigate these complexities and collaborated with all stakeholders to
improve a difficult situation for Section 14 residents, tribal members, and the City.
By the time Bogert became mayor in 1958, many Section 14 residents had already
relocated, with most others leaving before the City’s Clean -Up campaign began in October
1965. Records show that Bogert consistently supported Tribal sovereignty while working
“tirelessly” to help displaced Section 14 residents and pursue solutions with all affected
parties to address the dangerous and disorganized living conditions in Section 14.
As Mayor, Bogert was “vigorous in attempting to make welfare arrangements for the
residents of Section 14.” He demonstrated this commitment by intervening to delay
evictions while developing alternative housing solutions and working closely with Black
community leaders. Bogert established the first human relations committee and
appointed Black community leaders (including NAACP members and clergy) to a citizens
committee he led to help Section 14 residents cope with the evictions. His efforts helped
create several housing alternatives for Section 14 residents, including low -medium income
apartments (Seminole Gardens), Tahquitz Court Apartments (market rate), and federally
backed home ownership opportunities ($200 down payments and 100% financing for
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homes in Desert Highland and Crossley Tract). Even after leaving office, Bogert continued
advocating for more affordable housing.
As former Tribal Chair Eileen Miguel noted in 1962, the historical record confirms that
Bogert “consistently demonstrated that he had both the interests of the Indian people and
the City of Palm Springs at heart, and who has time and time again expended
commendable effort in helping find a solution for some of our problems.”
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A Timeline of Bogert Working “Tirelessly” to Alleviate the
Eviction Hardships and to Secure Low-Cost Housing for
Section 14 Residents
Timeline Summary
Within the seven-year period when he became Mayor in 1958 and when the city worked
with the Tribal Council, the BIA, conservators, individual landowners to demolish
abandoned homes after landowners gave eviction notices in 1965, the record shows that
Frank Bogert was resolute on finding solutions to the Section 14 crisis. Bogert also
continued fighting for Section 14 residents after leaving office in 1966. Specifically, Bogert
took the following actions over a 10-year period:
• Worked “tirelessly” to secure low -cost housing for displaced residents.
• Obtained FHA housing certificates providing 100% financing relocation grants to
displaced residents.
• Actively pursued federal assistance programs for low -cost housing development.
• Championed several privately funded low -cost housing projects, including one by
Lawrence Crossley, a Black pioneer of the community and Bogert’s friend and
former colleague.
• Initiated an administrative investigation into Superior Court ordered burnings
following resident complaints.[4] These burnings were conducted by individual
landowners, not the City.
• Secured a 6-month eviction moratorium through negotiations with the BIA, tribal
landowners, and conservators, helping 430 families find housing.[5] The BIA,
landowners, or conservators - not the City - set these evictions, as the City lacked
unilateral authority to issue such moratoriums.
• Established and led a multiracial Citizens Committee, including Black community
members, the local NAACP chapter head, and Section 14 residents, to assist with
relocation efforts and communicate eviction plans.
• Appointed the City’s first Black employee (a Section 14 resident) who served as a
liaison and helped secure the first federally funded housing project for Section 14
residents.
• Helped establish a multiracial Human Relations Committee in 1965[7]. to address
minority group challenges in Palm Springs, develop solutions for low -cost housing
shortages, and investigate complaints of the City's Clean -Up Campaign.
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• Implemented a 1961 bond program to purchase land partially designated for low -
cost housing for evicted residents.
• Collaborated closely with Black community leaders on housing and welfare
solutions, including:
o Rev. Jeff Rollins, a local Reverend, community leader, and Bogert’s friend
o Charlie Jordan, the city’s first Black employee, who Bogert directly hired.
o Berbon Abner, the local NAACP chapter head
o Lawrence Crossley, the prominent local businessman.
• Maintained city compliance with all local, state, and federal regulations throughout
the housing crisis
• Made frequent public statements expressing concern for Section 14 residents’
welfare and the need to address their housing situation
Timeline
• January 196134
o Bogert asks the city for an “Urban Redevelopment Program” on Section 14.
o The Desert Sun notes: “Mayor Frank Bogert...has sought to promote a minority
housing development in the Palm Springs area”
o Additionally, the Desert Sun claims, “since he was elected to the council almost
three years ago, (Bogert) has been working steadily to get private money to build
a low-cost rental unit project for (Section 14 residents), but the location of it has
been the big problem.”
o ‘'If it is too far from downtown, they can't get into town, and there just isn't any place
they can go downtown,” said the Mayor.
• February 196135
o Bogert enacts a bond program for the purchase of land used for the airport.
o Part of the justification for purchasing the land is not just for the airport itself, but for
the development of low-cost housing as well.
■ Indeed, “The Mayor also mentioned that the purchase of the airport by the
people of Palm Springs may solve many other problems which to date have
plagued the resort community. One of these is the initiation of a low-cost
housing project eyed for the north-east corner of the land. According to the
Mayor, backers have approached the city seeking such a project.”
34 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 136, January 6, 1961
35 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 161, February 4, 1961
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• March 196136
o “Bogert, in his official capacity as Mayor, has served a request to the FHA and HHFA
to come to Palm Springs and discuss a federal housing program, especially in
connection with their project 221, the replacement of displaced persons...Mayor
Bogert said that the federal representatives have looked at a couple of parcels of
land which could qualify under the requirements of FHA and HHFA.”
• June 196137:
o Bogert proposes and leads a special Citizens’ Committee to work on minority
housing problems related to Section 14.
■ Among those named to the committee is the Rev. Jeff Rollins, a Black
community leader and Berbon Abner, the head of the local chapter of the
NAACP.
o This committee had four functions:
■ Inform the community of the substandard conditions in Section 14.
■ Inform the community and those being relocated about the assistance they
were eligible for under Section 221, which provided 100% financing for
relocation with only $200 down.
■ Assist relocated families in finding alternative housing within their price range.
■ Communicate important updates and details to all related parties of Section 14.
• June 196138
o Officials from the Department of the Interior visit Palm Springs to study the issues
plaguing Section 14.
o “Mayor Bogert assured (the federal officials) that the City of Palm Springs was doing
everything possible to see that persons evicted from Section 14 were not made
homeless.”
o The assistant secretary of the Dept of Interior said he’d been told that “Bogert was
vigorous in attempting to make welfare arrangements for the residents of
Section 14.”
o The biggest scandal," (Bogert) maintained “is that people are forced to live in these
conditions because we haven't done anything about it."
o Bogert “told the assistant secretary that the city was doing everything it could to
see low-cost housing was made available to the present Section 14 residents.”
36 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 182, March 1, 1961
37 City Council Minutes, June 12 1961
38 University of California Press, Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 73, No. 1, February 2004, The Path to
Paradise: Expropriation, Exodus, and Exclusion in the Making of Palm Springs, Ryan M. Kray.pg 108
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• June 1961
o After meeting with the Dept of Interior (which oversees the BIA), Bogert brokers a
six-month moratorium on evictions , allowing 430 families time to find alternative
housing.39 The BIA had previously issued a June 30th, 1961 deadline for Section 14
evictions, but Bogert negotiated a six-month moratorium with the BIA and
landowners given housing options weren’t yet in place for Section 14 residents.
■ Bogert brokered this moratorium after hearing directly from two residents in
Section 14 who said they came back to find their homes in ashes.40
o “A promise from Federal Housing Authority representatives to the City Council that
action would be speeded to certify city eligibility for financing guarantees for low -
cost housing, both private homes and rental property.”41
o Additionally, the Desert Sun states:
■ “Councilmen and members of the Planning Commission had been working
more than a year in anticipation of a housing crisis in Section 14 when the June
eviction deadline arrived, ‘I'm pleased to learn this financing could be rushed
through,’ said Vice-Mayor Ken Kirk. ‘It’s shaping up into a definite program and it
looks like no one will be actually displaced without getting a better home’…Kirk
went on to credit Mayor Bogert and Councilman Ted McKinney with
spearheading work on obtaining housing for families ev icted from Section
14. “They've worked very hard on it.” he said. “It's good to see things moving
along.”42
• July 196143
o The city submits a program for community improvement “made in support of the
city's application for federal aid in relocation housing for persons to be moved from
a portion of Section 14 marked a major step toward solving the problems of
displacement, caused by area development”
o The Desert Sun stated, “As Palm Springs builds for the future, it is working for
adequate housing for its citizens.”
• Mid-July 196144
39 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 283, 27 June 1961
40 University of California Press, Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 73, No. 1, February 2004, The Path to
Paradise: Expropriation, Exodus, and Exclusion in the Making of Palm Springs, Ryan M. Kray.pg 108
41 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 283, June 27, 1961
42 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 283, June 27, 1961
43 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 298, July 14 1961
44 Desert Sun, Volume 42, Number 89, November 15,1968
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o Bogert endorses and advocates for the low -cost housing development plans of
Lawrence Crossley, a Black city pioneer and close friend of Bogert’s. These plans
included 150 low-cost, two-story units in Section 20.
o “Mayor Frank Bogert, long active in trying to solve the housing problems of the
minority groups in Section 14 said he thought the Gould -Crossley project would
be a good thing,”
o Bogert even pushed the city council and officials to relax zoning ordinances to
enable the Crossley development to proceed as quickly as possible:
■ “I think we ought to stretch a point and let them have the zoning they
want...Due to the housing emergency at the present time, we have to lean
over backwards (on zoning restrictions).”
o Regardless of which low-cost housing projects the city approved, Bogert
demanded that the new dwellings be suitable for the people of Section 14:
■ “Nevertheless, Mayor Bogert emphasized, he wanted to be sure any dwellings
built for rentals would be good housing. “I don’t want to see another slum area.
If someone is going to build a place for these people, it should be good.”
• August 196145
o Federal Housing Association approves a $2.5 million housing development for
families displaced by Section 14 evictions.
o The development was spearheaded by N & W Development Corp., whom Bogert
had pushed to help find a solution to the housing crisis.
■ “The Mayor, working tirelessly for a low -cost housing project, had asked (N &
W Development) some months ago if (they) couldn't come up with a solution to
the ever increasing problem of homes for the scores of people who are residing
in Section 14 and who are presently on notice that they must move from their
present homes to make way for a full -scale Indian Section clearance program.”
o Upon hearing that the FHA and FHAA had approved this $2.5 million plan, Bogert
“was elated. It had brought to an end the months upon months of studying for a
solution to a problem which was only worsening with time.”
o Unfortunately, the N & W project ultimately failed as the developers went through a
period of “tight money” brought upon by a recession that had hit the country. This
recession “set back many major housing and building development projects
everywhere,” not just in Palm Springs. Additionally, the recession “was particularly
harmful to the city’s plans for the immediate solution to the problems of Section
14.”46
45 Desert Sun, Volume 35, Number 12, August 18, 1961
46 Desert Sun, Volume 42, Number 89, November 15, 1968
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• September 196147
o The City and Frank Bogert secure a certification from the “Housing and Home
Finance administrator proclaiming that Palm Springs has qualified for Federal Aid in
its Workable Program for community improvement”
o “U.S. Housing administrator Robert C. Weaver has determined that this
community's program meets Federal requirements….The certification means that
Palm Springs can proceed with its program, under federal assistance, to utilize
appropriate private and public resources to eliminate and prevent the development
or spread of slums and urban blight: to encourage needed urban rehabilitation; to
provide for the development of blighted, deteriorated or slum areas, or to undertake
other activities as may be suitable employed to achieve the objective of such a
program.”
• October 196148
o Bogert and the city council “rezoned five acres of Section 20 for 120 low -cost
housing units. Developer Robert Gould applied for a low -interest loan for the project
and subsequently announced the city had qualified for it.”
• December 196149
o Bogert and the city rezone seven and a half acres in Section 34 for 200 to 250 low -
cost housing units. The developer for this project unfortunately died before the
project could get underway and the development was cancelled.
• 196150
o As detailed earlier, Bogert hires Charles Jordan as the city’s first Black
employee. Jordan would go on to serve on a special Citizens’ Committee led by
Bogert to assist Section 14 families with relocation. During his time working for the
City, Jordan spearheaded several initiatives to improve low cost housing for
minorities. He was instrumental in securing the city’s first federally financed
housing project in 1968.
• Early 196251
47 Desert Sun, Volume 35, Number 30, September 8, 1961
48 Desert Sun, Volume 42, Number 99, November 27, 1968
49 Desert Sun, Volume 42, Number 99, November 27, 1968
50 http://takebackthetimes.blogspot.com/2006/10/memorable-50th-high-school-class.html
51 University of California Press, Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 73, No. 1, February 2004, The Path to
Paradise: Expropriation, Exodus, and Exclusion in the Making of Palm Springs, Ryan Kray, pg 113
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o “Certificates of eligibility for the Section 221 loan plan were distributed by the city’s
building inspector.” These certificates were to provide financing for relocation for
Section 14 residents.
• August 196252
o “The Palm Springs City Council last night ordered an administrative investigation
and report on Section 14 burnings carried out under a Superior Court order last
month. The council took the action after emphasizing that the city was not involved
in the action, nor could it legally make payments for personal goods lost in answer
to a plea by 72-year-old Mrs. Florence Fatheree for city payment for her house and
household goods.” Bogert stated that the burnings had nothing to do with the city
at all and was issue an between the landlord and tenant.
• September 196253
o City approves plans for low-cost homes in the southeast section of town.
• Mid-1963
o “A judge struck down a proposed affordable housing project”54
• August 196355
o The City applies for federal certification of a "workable program”.
o The certification is required by the FHA for the city to receive funding and other
assistance for low-cost housing for Section 14 residents.
• January 1965
o When Indian agent Paul Hand stated that city sponsored public housing could be
built on Indian reservations, Bogert asked “Where could you put this public
housing?” asked the Mayor. There was no answer to his questions,” 56
demonstrating the difficulty in finding land for relocated Section 14 residents.
o The city council approves 20 acres to be rezoned in Section 20 for 300 low -cost
housing units.57
52 Desert Sun, “Section 14 Probe Set,” August 14, 1962
53 Desert Sun, Volume 36, Number 44, September 25, 1962
54 Desert Sun, “‘It was beautiful for the white people:' 1960s still cast a shadow of distrust over
Palm Springs,” September 22, 2016
55 Desert Sun, Volume 37, Number 22, 29 August 1963
56 Desert Sun, Volume 38, Number 143, January 19, 1965
57 Desert Sun, Volume 42, Number 99, November 27, 1968
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• September 196558
o When the city needed to enact a “workable program” in order to secure federal
funds for low-cost housing and when inspections to comply were lagging, Bogert
pushed to accelerate the completion of tasks needed to qualify for the federal
program.
o “Mayor Frank Bogert however, pointed out that this would delay the program about
4 months and asked Aleshire to proceed as rapidly as possible with the inspection
using present staff members...the proposed low-cost housing would be located in
the lower half of Section 34. The city has also met most of its workable program
requirements, including a master plan and zoning.”
• November 196559
o “City Action Spurs Low -Cost Housing”
o Bogert and the city council take actions to qualify for an FHA “workable program”
allowing for federal funding for a low-cost housing project.
o “Construction of a $1.5 million, low-cost housing development that could
accommodate some 500 persons in Palm Springs may begin within 90 days.”
o This housing development was spurred “in the wake of city council action last night
that paved the way for Federal Housing Administration approval of the project.”
o “The 134-unit development will be located in section 34 near the Gateway Estates.”
o Herman Newman, the developer “expressed satisfaction at the council’s action,
embodied” in a "declaration of policy” to “alleviate substandard housing in
portions of the city.”
o 4 years prior to this proposed development, Bogert had asked the Newman (the
same developer) to build housing for Section 14 residents. The Desert Sun said at
the time, “The Mayor, working tirelessly for a low -cost housing project, had
asked (Herman Newman) some months ago if he couldn't come up with a solution
to the ever-increasing problem of homes for the scores of people who are residing
in Section 14.”
o Sadly, Newman would die unexpectedly a few months later.60
• November 196561
o Under Bogert’s leadership, the city created a study group to establish a human
relations commission. The commission was recommended, “partially because it is
58 Desert Sun, Volume 39, Number 44, September 24, 1965
59 Desert Sun, Volume 39, Number 83, November 9 1965
60 Desert Sun, Volume 39, Number 282, 30 June 1966
61 Desert Sun, Volume 39, Number 97, November 25, 1965
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needed to fulfill provisions of a “workable program" the city has submitted to the
federal government for low-cost housing aid”
o Bogert, who conducted the first meeting of this study group, appointed a
multiracial committee, comprised of members representing various minority
groups, including Rev. Rollins of the First Baptist Church, Eileen Miguel of the Agua
Caliente Tribe, Rabbi Joe Hurwitz, and John Quinonez (a leader in the Mexican
American community) and Wardell Ward (a leader in the Black community).
o This committee would later go on to study any complaints of the city’s Clean -Up
campaign and to hear concerns from displaced residents. The committee was
never able to verify a single claim of a resident having a home demolished
without a proper eviction notice being delivered.
• January 196662
○ Even up until his last months in office, Bogert was working furiously to secure low -
cost housing:
○ Bogert helped create and conducted a meeting for the human relations commission
to “alleviate problems of minority groups in Palm Springs.”
○ Bogert “outlined some of the aims of the present committee. Among them, he said,
would be its relationship with economic opportunity programs and with the city’s
workable program which would pave the way for federal aid in low -cost housing
developments.”
*Note: Bogert leaves office in February 1966 but continued seeking affordable housing
options for Section 14 residents by partnering with leaders of the Black community for
federal funding.
• May 5, 196763
o “Backed by city council support, former Mayor Frank Bogert today prepared to go
to Washington in an attempt to obtain federal aid in low -cost housing for Palm
Springs. Bogert, who has been working on a program for low -cost housing for 10
years, received a consensus of approval from the council yesterday at a study
session…. Bogert will seek a 250-unit housing complex adjacent to the Gateway
Estates and will try to get federal subsidies for a ‘Model Neighborhood Program’
which would include the housing project.”
o “The former Mayor noted that the city has had a workable program for three years,
an FHA requirement for aiding private developers in construction of low -cost
62 Desert Sun, Volume 39, Number 131, January 5, 1966
63 Desert Sun, Volume 40, Number 235, May 5, 1967
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housing. “There is a great demand for low-cost housing for the working force in
the city,” Bogert told the council. “Something must be done for them.”
o “Bogert pointed out that as a result of the Indian -owned Section 14 cleanup
campaign many of the city’s hotel workers and domestics were forced to move to
Banning and to Beaumont. “There were a lot of fine people moved out of Section
14,” he told the council.”
o “(Bogert) said he had conferred with FHA officials in San Francisco on a 250 -unit
housing development. But, he said, they recommended only 60 units. This is far
from sufficient”, he added.
o “We’re not trying to create a paradise to bring in people from Los Angeles,” (Bogert)
declared “but we do need enough to take care of our labor force. There is a
terrific demand for housing for the working people.”
• May 18, 196764
o The “possibility of getting 180 units of low -cost housing for Palm Springs was
described as good today by former Mayor, Frank Bogert, after conferring with
Federal Housing Administration officials.”
o “Bogert and a group interested in obtaining low-cost housing for the city returned
this week from Washington where they met with officials.”
o “With Bogert (on the trip to Washington) was…Rev. Jeff Rollins, pastor of the
First Baptist Church.”
o “He said the local delegation made the FHA officials aware of the Section 14
cleanup in which a large number of residents were forced to leave Palm Springs for
Banning and Garnet and other nearby areas.” These residents, Bogert said, still
work in Palm Springs and would prefer to live here.”
• August 196765
o Rev. Rollins speaks before the city council urging them to pass emergency zoning
laws in order to facilitate Bogert’s proposed development project.
o The First Baptist Church and the Los Angeles Psychological -Social Center are co-
sponsors of Bogert’s low-cost housing project.
• September 196766
o Bogert meets with school trustees to push for low-cost housing plans for displaced
residents.
64 Desert Sun, Volume 40, Number 246, May 28, 1967
65 Desert Sun, Volume 41, Number 21, August 29, 1967
66 Desert Sun, Volume 41, Number 35, September 24, 1967
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o Bogert stresses to the trustees that “low-cost development is needed to house
the city’s hotel work force.”
o Furthermore, “Bogert said he...covered Palm Springs thoroughly to locate
economically priced land for the low-cost development. The only place they could
find, he said, was the proposed location.”
• September 196767
o The Desert Sun states an LA based development firm has worked with “former
mayor Frank Bogert in master -minding the rent supplement project, has long-
range ideas of constructing a below mortgage interest rate program of individual
dwellings which must be keyed to a workable program”. This rent supplement
program was to be used for Section 14 residents displaced from their homes .
• September 196768
o The city’s Human Relations Commission, which Bogert helped establish, pass a
resolution supporting Bogert’s low-cost project.
o The Commission, which consisted of Black community leaders like Wardell Ward
and Ernest Moore, passed the resolution unanimously and recommended that the
“city council consider the present (Bogert) project” and other low -cost housing
options.
• November 196769
o City Council all but kills Bogert’s low-cost housing plans.
o A council member “indicated the federal rent supplement program on which the
development hinged, was untested “and there is no experience on which the city
can rely. Federal Housing Administration regulations call for approval by the city
council before funds will be allocated” but ultimately the city council disapproved
of the rent supplemental program.
o “Former Mayor Frank Bogert, who said he had worked for 10 years or more on
getting low-cost housing for the area, said it was obvious the council wouldn’t
listen to the proposal. Rev. Jeff Rollins, pastor of the First Baptist Church which
would have been sponsor of the development, termed the action short -sighted on
the part of the council.”
67 Desert Sun, Volume 41, Number 38, 18 September 1967
68 Desert Sun, Volume 41, Number 47, 28 September 1967
69 Desert Sun, Volume 41, Number 99, November 28, 1967
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*Note: Charlie Jordan, who Bogert hired as the city’s first Black employee, is instrumental
in securing city’s first federally financed housing for Section 14 residents and spearheaded
various forms of low-cost housing initiatives.
• March 196870
o After interview several candidates for the position, the City Council promotes
Jordan to “Administrative Assistant to the city manager.”
o His duties included “His new duties will include working with the Human
Relations Commission, representing the City of Palm Springs in meetings with
various organizations concerned with community relations programs;
coordinating federal, state, school, county and city programs in the
poverty, housing, employment and related fields; and developing effective
communications between city officials and neighborhood groups.”
• August 196871
o The City breaks ground on Seminole Gardens, the first federally financed
housing prioritized for Section 14 residents. Charlie Jordan, who was promoted
to assistant city manager, was instrumental in securing this housing.
o Jordan states that “persons displaced as the result of Urban Renewal Program
demolition of Section 14 would have top priority on the homes.”
o “Frank Aleshire, city manager, explained after the groundbreaking that in addition to
this 223-D Program, the city is considering two other federal programs to aid
persons displaced by the Section 14 Urban Renewal demolition. These include the
Rent Subsidy Program and the Rent Supplement Program.”
o “The City Council last month agreed to appoint a Citizens Committee on Housing,
which will consider these three types of programs.”
• October 196872
o Serving as execute secretary of the Palm Springs Housing Committee, Jordan
conducts surveys of Section 14 residents to determine future plans for low -cost
housing.
o Jordan, as The Desert Sun describes, “said that the (Section 14) homes were not
only unsafe but could also be put in a category for abatement . ‘There is a need for
instant low-cost housing in Palm Springs,’ he said. ‘These families have got to be
70 Desert Sun, Volume 41, Number 188, 12 March 1968
71 Desert Sun, Volume 42, Number 16, 22 August 1968
72 Desert Sun, Volume 42, Number 68, 22 October 1968
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moved to deceit homes now.’ He showed slides of some of the “sub-standard
homes.” saying that the slides could not adequately reflect the poor conditions.”
• November 196873
o Jordan “spearheaded (a) low-cost housing study” with Riverside County to assess
housing options in the county and in Palm Springs specifically.
o “Jordan explained that the government allots a certain amount of money for the
operation of low-cost housing programs. In Palm Springs, where costs may be
higher, the federal allotment, based on other areas, might not cover the cost of
operation.”
o “Jordan revealed the final results of a VISTA survey…dwellings and characteristics
of families living in Sections 14 and 34…The majority of persons living in both
sections had indicated that if they could afford it and if better housing were
available, they would prefer to move.”
o Jordan’s survey, along with a VISTA survey, “established the need for a low -
cost housing program with some form of federal assistance.”
• December 196874
o Jordan works with the city’s Housing Committee and recommends housing
programs to the City Council.
o “The Housing Committee made the recommendation following six meetings and
extensive studies of persons in Section 14 and 34 who might be eligible for the
programs.”
• December 196875
o The Housing Committee that Jordan works with “was appointed in September for
the purpose of meeting a need, termed “urgent,” on low -cost housing. The
Committee has held six meetings, listened to the findings in the door -to -door survey
taken in the two sections, studied various low-cost housing plans established by
the government; heard reports on low-cost housing in other areas; and made trips
into areas possibly to be involved.”
o The VISTA studies conducted by Jordan and volunteers helps the Housing
Committee assess optimal proposals for low -cost housing. The study also
documents the “sub-standard” living conditions of Section 14 homes.
73 Desert Sun, Volume 42, Number 96, 23 November 1968
74 Desert Sun, Volume 42, Number 114, 14 December 1968
75 Desert Sun, Volume 42, Number 116, 17 December 1968
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• May 196976
o Seminole Gardens is completed, with Jordan being instrumental in its development.
o “The first medium-income housing complex developed in a major resort city under a
certain FHA program has opened its doors in Palm Springs.”
o “The project is under the government's FHA-221d3 program, whereby a sponsor is
limited to a maximum six per cent return on his investment allowing for economical
rental rates.” The FHA-221 was a program Bogert worked on throughout his Mayoral
term in the 1960’s.
76 Desert Sun, Volume 42, Number 238, 9 May 1969
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Photos and Newspaper Clippings of Bogert & Section 14
PHOTO77
Bogert with the Rev. Jeff Rollins in Washington, D.C., in 1967. Bogert and Rev. Rollins went
to Washington the year after Bogert left office to seek funds and approval from the Federal
Housing Authority (FHA) to build low -cost housing for Section 14 residents. From the
Desert Sun: Bogert “said the local delegation made the FHA officials aware of the Section
14 cleanup in which a large number of residents were forced to leave Palm Springs for
Banning and Garnet and other nearby areas. ‘These residents,’ Bogert said, ‘still work in
Palm Springs and would prefer to live here.’”
77 Desert Sun, pg 1, May 23, 1967
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PHOTO78
Bogert displaying a housing certification to city officials that he and the city were able to
secure for Section 14 residents. This certificate would provide Section 14 residents with
100% financing for relocation with only $200 down. The “Housing and Hom e Finance
administrator proclaim(ed) that Palm Springs has qualified for Federal Aid in its Workable
Program for community improvement.”
78 Desert Sun, Volume 35, Number 30, September 8, 1961
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PHOTO79
Charles Jordan in 1976. Jordan, a former Section 14 resident, was hired by Bogert as the
city’s first Black employee. Jordan was instrumental in the development of Seminole
Gardens, the first federally funded housing project that was prioritized for Section 14
residents. Throughout the 1960’s, Jordan worked on a variety of housing initiatives for
Section 14 residents, conducted door to door housing studies, and worked with the
Human Relations Committee to improve and address minority housing issues.
From Palm Springs, he went on to have an illustrious political career, serving as Portland’s
first Black city councilmember and city commissioner, running the Conservation Fund, and
working with Bogert on Ronald Reagan’s President's Commission on Americans Outdoors.
He gave the commencement speech at Palm Springs High School in 1987 and thanked
Bogert for taking a chance on him and giving him a job in 1961.
79 The Astorian, “Former Portland City Commissioner Charles Jordan Dies At Age 77,” April 2, 2004
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PHOTO80
Bogert continued seeking low-cost housing for Section 14 residents the year after leaving
office in 1966. The City Council at the time voted to reject this housing proposal.
80 Desert Sun, “Low-cost Housing Prospects Good,” May 18, 1967
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PHOTO81
Desert Sun article from June 27, 1961. Bogert brokered a a six -month eviction moratorium
with the Bureau of Indian Affairs and representative of tribal landowners. The BIA had
previously issued eviction notices to 430 families with a June 30 th,1961 deadline. Bogert
negotiated this delay after hearing directly from two residents in Section 14 who said they
came back to find their homes in ashes. The delay allowed families to seek alternative
housing options and for the city to continue its efforts to secure both public and privately
financed low-cost housing.
81 Desert Sun, “Time-out Called on Section 14,” June 27, 1961
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PHOTO82
Desert Sun headline from August 18, 1961. The article states, “The Mayor, working
tirelessly for a low-cost housing project, had asked (the developer) some months ago if
he couldn't come up with a solution to the ever-increasing problem of homes for the
scores of people who are residing in Section 14.”
82 Desert Sun, “$2.5M Apartment Complex Slated for Section 14 Families,” August 18, 1961
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PHOTO83
Bogert with the Rev. Jeff Rollins (holding shovel in middle) in 1963 when development of
the First Baptist Church broke ground. Bogert would later partner with Rollins and the First
Baptist Church in 1967 to develop low-cost housing for Section 14 residen ts.
83 Desert Sun, “First Baptist’s Church Dedication to the Community,” February 7, 2021
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PHOTO84
Bogert (seated far right) with the Rev. Jeff Rollins (speaking) at the unveiling of the Bishop
College Extension Center in Highland-Gateway. Bogert and Rollins would work together on
numerous projects between the 1960s and 1980s, including 1) asking the H uman Relations
Committee to provide assistance to Section 14 residents, 2) lobbying in Washington, D.C.,
in 1967 for low-cost housing for Section 14 residents, 3) opening the Bishop Center, and 4)
the creation of the Palm Springs Center for Employment Training, (GET). Rollins, a friend of
Bogert’s, was the first person to visit Bogert at his house to offer his condolences after the
death of his first wife Janice in 1974.
84 Desert Sun, “Dallas college opens extension in north PS ,” June 1, 1985
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PHOTO 85
Bogert (seated far right) with Tribal Chair Eileen Miguel (seated middle) in 1960 looking over
an appraisal of land on Section 18 which would become the airport. To Miguel’s right is
Dora Joyce Prieto, who became Tribal Chair in mid-1966. Miguel and Bogert worked
closely together on many projects including zoning ordinances for Section 14. As Miguel
confirms in the quote below, the record is clear that Bogert sought to both help the Tribe
exercise its newfound right to develop Section 14, while simultane ously working to make
decisions in the best interests of the residents of Palm Springs. Miguel said in the Agua
Caliente 1962 annual progress report:
“Our appreciation goes to: ...Mayor Frank Bogert of Palm Springs who has consistently
demonstrated that he had both the interests of the Indian people and the City of Palm
Springs at heart, and who has time and time again expended commendable effort in
helping find a solution for some of our problems.”
85 Desert Sun, “New Airport Land Appraisal Announced at $2,979,000,” July 27, 1960
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PHOTO86
The City breaks ground on Seminole Gardens, the first federally financed housing
prioritized for Section 14 residents. Charlie Jordan (third from the left), who was promoted
to assistant city manager, was instrumental in securing this housing.
Jordan states that “persons displaced as the result of Urban Renewal Program demolition
of Section 14 would have top priority on the homes.”
“The City Council last month agreed to appoint a Citizens Committee on Housing, which
will consider these (low-cost housing) programs.”
86 Desert Sun, Volume 42, Number 16, 22 August 1968
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PHOTO87
Photo of Charlie Jordan giving the commencement speech at Palm Springs High School in
1987. At this speech, Jordan thanked Frank Bogert for giving him a job when he returned
home from college.
As Los Angeles Times reporter Ken Reich explained:
“It was then Mayor Frank Bogert who gave him a job as a recreation supervisor. Jordan said
he had suggested to Bogert at the time, 1961, that he might not be accepted by whites in
that position. Bogert had been adamant about going ahead with the job offer, and it was the
beginning of a brilliant career for Jordan.”88
87 The Desert Sun (Palm Springs, California) · Fri, Jun 12, 1987
88 http://takebackthetimes.blogspot.com/2006/10/memorable-50th-high-school-class.html
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PHOTO89
Bogert and the city council take actions to qualify for an FHA “workable program” allowing
for federal funding for a low-cost housing project. “Construction of a $1.5 million, low -
cost housing development that could accommodate some 500 persons in Palm Springs
may begin within 90 days.” This housing development was spurred “in the wake of city
council action last night that paved the way for Federal Housing Administration approval of
the project.” “The 134-unit development will be located in section 34 near the Gateway
Estates.”
Herman Newman, the developer “expressed satisfaction at the council’s action, embodied”
in a "declaration of policy” to “alleviate substandard housing in portions of the city.”
4 years prior to this proposed development, Bogert had asked the Newman (the same
developer) to build housing for Section 14 residents. The Desert Sun said at the time, “The
Mayor, working tirelessly for a low-cost housing project, had asked (Herman Newman) some
months ago if he couldn't come up with a solution to the ever -increasing problem of homes
for the scores of people who are residing in Section 14.”
89 Desert Sun, Volume 39, Number 83, November 9 1965
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PHOTO90
Article announcing the development of Crossley Gardens, which was slated in part to
house Section 14 displaced residents. The housing project qualified for FHA financing, a
federal financing program Bogert and the City advocated for and submitted numerous
applications for throughout the 1960’s to help finance low -cost housing for Section 14
residents. Two months after this housing project broke ground, Bogert supported another
of Lawrence Crossley’s housing projects for Section 14 residents, and urged the City
Council to ease zoning restrictions for this project “due to the (Section 14) housing
emergency at the present time.”
90 Desert Sun, “Ground Broken for New Crossley Gardens Tract”, May 19, 1961
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Non-Agenda
55
Summary of Bogert Assisting Section 14 Residents and
Working with Leaders of the Black Community
Throughout and after his 1958-1966 Mayoral term, Bogert worked closely with leaders of
the Black community to assist Section 14 residents during displacements.
Bogert hired Charlie Jordan, the City’s first Black employee and a Section 14 resident,
despite potential pushback from “whites”
As Mayor in 1961, Bogert hired Charles Jordan, the city’s first Black employee and a
resident of Section 14. Jordan was instrumental in the development of the city’s first
federally funded, medium-cost housing project prioritized for evictees and worked on
several initiatives with Bogert to assist Section 14 residents. Bogert made this
unprecedented hire when it was unpopular to do so. When Jordan returned to Palm
Springs after graduating from Gonzaga University, Los Angeles Times reporter Ken Reich
explained:
“It was then Mayor Frank Bogert who gave him a job as a recreation supervisor.
Jordan said he had suggested to Bogert at the time, 1961, that he might not be
accepted by whites in that position. Bogert had been adamant about going ahead
with the job offer, and it was the beginning of a brilliant career for Jordan.”91
Indeed, Bogert’s hiring of Jordan, at a time when no Black resident was employed by the
city, was the catalyst to a brilliant career. After working as a city official in Palm Springs,
Jordan ran the Parks Departments in both Austin, Texas and Portland, Or egon. He was the
first ever Black city councilmember in Portland and the first to serve as city commissioner.
After leaving public office he ran the Conversation Fund, an environmental non -profit,
where he established a land trust for Black farmers. President Ronald Reagan appointed
both Jordan and Bogert to the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors, where they
worked together to promote nationwide recreational opportunities for citizens.92 Jordan
served as an ex-officio member of a multiracial Citizen’s Committee Bogert created to
work with and help Section 14 residents during relocations. As the Desert Sun said,
“Jordan made tremendous strides toward greater understanding and respect betw een all
91 http://takebackthetimes.blogspot.com/2006/10/memorable-50th-high-school-class.html
92 The Oregonian, “Charles Johnson remembered: Portland’s first African American commissioner
and long time parks director was “a giant in this city,” April 4, 2014
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Public Comment
Non-Agenda
56
races in Palm Springs and worked toward greater involvement of blacks in community
affairs, helping to bring City Hall closer to the (Black) community than ever before.”93
After being promoted to assistant to the City Manager, Jordan was instrumental in
securing funding for and developing the aforementioned Seminole Gardens housing
project.94 Serving on the Palm Springs Housing Committee and active in community
relations, Jordan worked to understand the needs of the Black community and other
minorities. Throughout the 1960’s, Jordan worked on a variety of housing initiatives for
Section 14 residents, conducted door to door housing studies, and worked with the
Human Relations Committee to improve and address minority housing issues.
In June of 1987, while giving the commencement speech at Palm Springs High School,
Jordan thanked Bogert for taking a chance on him and giving him a job with the city
after college.95
Bogert publicly advocated for Lawrence Crossley’s affordable housing project for Section
14 residents and urged the City to ease zoning restrictions for Crossley’s project
Bogert publicly supported Lawrence Crossley’s housing development which was
prioritized for Section 14 residents. Crossley, a Black city pioneer, friend, and former
colleague of Bogert’s96, proposed the development of 150 low-cost, two-story units in
Section 20.
At a council meeting to review this proposed development, The Desert Sun stated that,
“Mayor Frank Bogert, long active in trying to solve the housing problems of the
minority groups in Section 14 said he thought the Gould -Crossley project would be a
good thing.”
Bogert even advocated that the city council and officials ease zoning restrictions to enable
the Crossley development to proceed as quickly as possible, saying “I think we ought to
stretch a point and let them have the zoning they want...Due to the housing
emergency at the present time, we have to lean over backwards.”
93 Desert Sun, Volume 43, Number 282, July 2, 1970
94 CVRA Community Working Group — Report to Palm Springs City Council, September 27, 2018
95 Desert Sun, “Commencement speaker: You can go home again,” June 12, 1987
96 https://www.desertsun.com/story/life/2020/07/26/history -mexican-heritage-deeply-ingrained-
story-palm-springs/5512415002/
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57
Bogert also emphasized the need for safe and clean housing for Section 14 residents. The
Desert Sun states, “Nevertheless, Mayor Bogert emphasized, he wanted to be sure any
dwellings built for rentals would be good housing. “I don’t want to see another sl um area. If
someone is going to build a place for these people, it should be good.”
Bogert worked with Berbon Abner, head of the local NAACP chapter, on a Citizen’s
Committee tasked with assisting Section 14 residents
In July of 1961, Bogert led a special Citizens’ Committee to work on minority housing
problems related to Section 1497. Among those Bogert appointed to the committee were
the Rev. Jeff Rollins, a Black community leader and a friend of Bogert’s, and Berbon Abner,
the head of the local chapter of the NAACP. This committee had four functions:
● Inform the community of the substandard conditions in Section 14.
● Inform the community and those being relocated about the assistance they were
eligible for under Section 221, which provided 100% financing for relocation with
only $200 down.
● Assist relocated families in finding alternative housing within their price range.
● Communicate important updates and details to all related parties of Section 14.
After leaving office, Bogert partnered with the Rev. Jeff Rollins and the First Baptist Church
to build low-cost housing for Section 14 residents.
Bogert continued seeking housing for displaced residents after his Mayoral term ended. In
1967 — the year after he left office to care for his wife who was battling breast cancer — he
partnered with his friend the Rev. Jeff Rollins, a leader in the Black community, and the
First Baptist Church to develop a 250 -unit housing complex adjacent to Gateway Estates
for Section 14 residents98. He traveled to Washington, D.C., with Rev. Rollins to lobby the
FHA to secure federal funds for minority housing .
The City’s Human Relations Commission, which Bogert helped establish in 1965, passed a
resolution supporting Bogert’s low-cost housing project. The Desert Sun stated that an LA
based development firm has worked with “former mayor Frank Bogert in master -minding
the rent supplement project, has long-range ideas of constructing a below mortgage
interest rate program of individual dwellings”99. This rent supplement program was to be
used for Section 14 residents displaced from their homes.
97 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 298, July 14 1961
98 Desert Sun, Volume 40, Number 235, May 5, 1967
99 Desert Sun, Volume 41, Number 38, 18 September 1967
12/12/2024
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58
The City Council ultimately turned down this housing project, with both Bogert and Rollins
publicly criticizing the Council for doing so. During Bogert’s Mayoral term in the 1980’s, he
and Rollins would go on to work together on several initiatives to imp rove the Black
community including the Bishop College Extension Center, GET program, and
infrastructure improvements to the Desert Highland area.
Throughout the 1960’s, Bogert worked “tirelessly” to secure low -cost housing and was
“vigorous in attempting to make welfare arrangements for the residents of Section
14.”
The Desert Sun described Bogert as working “tirelessly” over the span of 10 years to seek
low-cost housing for evicted Section 14 residents.100 These efforts included him
continuously pushing for numerous publicly and privately funded housing projects – both
during and after his Mayoral term. Select quotes from the articles in the 1960’s:
“The Mayor, working tirelessly for a low-cost housing project, had asked
(developers) some months ago if (they) couldn't come up with a solution to the
ever-increasing problem of homes for the scores of people who are residing in
Section 14”101
“Bogert was vigorous in attempting to make welfare arrangements for the
residents of Section 14.”102
“Mayor Frank Bogert...has sought to promote a minority housing development in
the Palm Springs area”103
“Since Bogert was elected to the council almost three years ago, (he) has been
working steadily to get private money to build a low-cost rental unit project for
(Section 14 residents)”104
Furthermore, the Desert Sun also quoted a high -ranking official in the federal government
as saying:
100 Desert Sun, Volume 35, Number 12, August 18, 1961
101 Desert Sun, Volume 35, Number 12, August 18, 1961
102 Desert Sun, “Officials Open Section 14 Study”, June 23, 1961
103 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 136, January 6, 1961
104 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 136, January 6, 1961
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59
“Bogert was vigorous in attempting to make welfare arrangements for the
residents of Section 14.”105
Bogert cared deeply for the welfare of Section 14 residents and made numerous public
statements about the need to build low -cost housing for evicted residents and to alleviate
the deplorable conditions in Section 14
Bogert was frequently vocal in public forums about the need to build low -cost housing for
Section 14 residents, as well as the need for the city to address the area’s slum like
conditions.
“There is a great demand for low-cost housing for the working force in the city.
Something must be done for them…There were a lot of fine people moved out
of Section 14.”106
“We do need enough (low-cost housing) to take care of our labor force. There is a
terrific demand for housing for the working people”107
“The biggest scandal is that (Section 14 residents) are forced to live in these
conditions, because we haven’t done anything about it”108
“I don’t want to see another slum area. If someone is going to build a place for
these people, it should be good”109
“I think we ought to stretch a point and let them have the zoning they want...Due to
the housing emergency at the present time, we have to lean over backwards (to
allow for zoning for low-cost housing)”110
105 Desert Sun, OFFICIALS OPEN SECTION 14 STUDY June 23, 1961
106 Desert Sun, Volume 40, Number 235, May 5, 1967
107 Desert Sun, Volume 40, Number 235, May 5, 1967
108 University of California Press, Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 73, No. 1, February 2004, The Path
to Paradise: Expropriation, Exodus, and Exclusion in the Making of Palm Springs, Ryan M. Kray.pg
108
109 Desert Sun, Volume 42, Number 89, November 15,1968
110 Desert Sun, “The Section 14 Story III, Elation Over Housing Okay Fades as Recession Comes,”
November 15, 1968
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60
Bogert brokered a 6-month moratorium on evictions in 1961 which allowed hundreds
of families time to find alternative housing.
In June of 1961, Bogert brokered a six-month moratorium on evictions which bought time
for residents to find housing alternatives and for the City to make progress on securing
federal assistance for housing programs.111 Because the City had no authority to evict
residents and could not unilaterally halt evictions, the moratorium had to be negotiated
and agreed to by the parties who had the authority to issue eviction notices – the BIA, tribal
landowners, or tribal conservators.
The BIA had previously issued a June 30, 1961 , deadline for Section 14 evictions, but Bogert
brokered a six-month moratorium with the BIA, landowners, and conservators given
housing options weren’t yet in place for Section 14 residents.
In the spring of 1961, the BIA issued eviction notices to all remaining 430 homes in Section
14, with Ray Jackson, the head of the local BIA office, stating that “the tentative date for
completion of this removal project is June 30, 1961; consequently time is of the essence.”
He went on to explain “the individual Indian allottees, court appointed guardians and
conservators, in concert with the Bureau, had determined that all residential buildings
must be removed…to permit redevelopment for its highest and best use.”112
However, Bogert stepped in and negotiated a moratorium on the BIA initiated evictions
after hearing directly from two residents in Section 14 who said they came back to find
their homes in ashes.113
At the same council meeting that the moratorium was announced, there was “a promise
from Federal Housing Authority representatives to the City Council that action would be
speeded to certify city eligibility for financing guarantees for low -cost housing, both private
homes and rental property.”114
111 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 283, 27 June 1961
112 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 298, July 14, 1961
113 University of California Press, Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 73, No. 1, February 2004, The Path
to Paradise: Expropriation, Exodus, and Exclusion in the Making of Palm Springs, Ryan M. Kray.pg
108
114 Desert Sun, Volume 34, Number 283, June 27, 1961
12/12/2024
Public Comment
Non-Agenda
From:msvjmalone@aol.com
To:Alyssa Chavez; City Clerk
Subject:Letter pertaining to Section 14
Date:Tuesday, December 10, 2024 9:37:12 AM
Attachments:Palm Springs City Council April 21, 2022.docx
NOTICE: This message originated outside of The City of Palm Springs -- DO NOT CLICK on links or open attachments
unless you are sure the content is safe.
Dear Mayor and City Council,
Hope all is well. I am contacting you about a Letter pertaining to Section 14. The
Letter was sent April 12, 2022. It was about my family that lived on Section 14. My
concern is that Brent stated that you received the Letter and that it would be kept in
your file and I never received a response.
I need to make a correction therefore I am resending the Letter to you. I am a
Survivor and not a descendant.
One of my sister's Wilma Session Glover attended the City Council Meeting on
November 14, 2024 and gave the the City Clerk the information that was in the Palm
Spring's Directory that had the Address's and the Map pertaining to the Lacy Family.
We have some relatives that are 82 and are Lacy Survivor's and family friend's that
are 90 and 91 that are Survivor's that can assure you this information is correct. We
also have Birth Certificates with our address's on them .
The Lacy Family just want's to make sure that this Letter is in your file before the New
Council is Installed. It is not Clear at this time on what Step's the City will be taking on
the Section 14 Settlement.
Thank You,
Valerie Malone
12/12/2024
Public Comment
Non-Agenda
Palm Springs City Council
3200 East Tahquitz Canyon Way
Palm Springs, CA 92262
Attention Palm Springs City Council,
My name is Valerie Malone. I am a Direct Descendant of Section 14. I lived on Section 14 along with my
families. I was born on Section 14 and have proof. I attended Francis Stevens Elementary School as a
child. My teachers were: Mrs. Clapp, Mrs. Arnold and Mrs. Ruth, one other that I cannot remember.
I have the addresses where my families resided. I have Legal Documentation of where my families
actually lived on Section 14. To us it was known as the Reservation.
My family had a street named after them at that time on Section 14. My grandfather and uncles built
the homes that we resided in. My uncles were Roofers and Construction Workers. They worked for
Perry Sanders Roofing Company.
After building the homes one of my Uncles went to the Gas Company to have a gas line installed so that
our families could have gas.
The gas company asked my Uncle what is the name of the road? My uncle did not know? The Gas
Company told him that they would name the street after him. The name of the Street was Lacy Road.
The street sign stayed up for years even after the homes were demolished.
My grandmother and Aunts worked for the Rich and Famous. They worked for Lucille Ball and Red
Skelton among others. My grandmother had her own Café on Section 14. My father worked as a dry
Cleaner at Desert Hand Laundry.
My families were friends to many including Agua Calente Tribal Members that lived next door to us at
that time.
I was told by families that we paid ground rent at that time. I did not understand how we owned the
homes and were forced to move. I was told that we paid what was called ground rent to the Tribe in
order to live and build on the land.
I know that my families had to move. Therefore we are not relocates. We were forced to move in order
to have shelter for our families. Everyone did not have the same financial means at that time.
Therefore everyone did not choose to relocate to the North End of Palm Springs. It was known to have
been Racial to certain people and did not allow certain people to reside there at one time.
That is one of the reasons that many people left the area. They refused to be dictated to where they
could live.
I am not totally sure of why we had to vacate? I was told by family. That the BIA had everyone move in
order to give certain Tribal Families there parcels of land. . I do know that we were ever compensated
for the road or the dwellings.
12/12/2024
Public Comment
Non-Agenda
If compensation is due to us we would prefer that it is monetary to Direct Descendants that actually
lived on Section 14 at that time.
Sincerely,
Valerie Malone
Po Box 188
Banning CA 92220
12/12/2024
Public Comment
Non-Agenda
From:City of Palm Springs
To:City Clerk
Subject:*NEW SUBMISSION* Submit Public Comment to the City of Palm Springs
Date:Sunday, December 8, 2024 1:57:53 PM
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unless you are sure the content is safe.
Submit Public Comment to the City of Palm Springs
Submission #:3660342
IP Address:192.252.220.6
Submission Date:12/08/2024 1:57
Survey Time:2 minutes, 54 seconds
You have a new online form submission.
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Full Name/Nombre
Robery Morrison
City of Residence/Ciudad de residencia
Palm Springs,
Phone (optional) /Teléfono (opcional)
(760) 413-1716
Email (optional/opcional)
Your Comments/Sus comentarios
As past Ca Director representing AFL/CIO want to make sure you are paying the overtime for road maintenance. You
are making my submission difficult. Bring it on
Thank you,
City of Palm Springs
This is an automated message generated by Granicus. Please do not reply directly to this email.
12/12/2024
Public Comment
Non-Agenda
From:buyer
To:City Clerk
Subject:Thoughts on Safety and Ambiance at the Palm Springs Parade
Date:Sunday, December 8, 2024 7:35:48 AM
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attachments unless you are sure the content is safe.
I had the pleasure of attending the Palm Springs Festival of Lights parade last night, and I was deeply saddened to
hear about the unfortunate incident. My thoughts are with those who were injured, and I sincerely wish them a
speedy recovery.
As this was my first time participating, I wanted to share a few concerns I had regarding the event. I was alarmed by
the speed at which police and city vehicles (motorcycles, ATVs, buggies, etc.) were traveling on the streets in the
hours leading up to the parade. With hundreds of children playing on the sidewalks and even venturing into the
streets, the vehicles were moving at high speeds, even before the accident occurred. For future events, I believe it
would be important to slow down the pace of these vehicles, especially given the large crowd of children and
families. It sends a concerning message to young people when city workers are speeding through such a densely
populated area.
Additionally, as a first-time attendee, I found the pre-parade ambiance to be lacking. Near the Birba restaurant, there
was a stage with a drag queen MC, but there was a noticeable absence of holiday music to set the festive mood. It
would have been a great touch to have seasonal music playing along the parade route, especially as we waited for
the parade to begin. Instead, we were left with little entertainment or communication during the long delay—aside
from a request from the MC to sing "Jingle Bells."
I think Palm Springs could benefit from looking to other cities across California for inspiration on how to enhance
both the safety and the overall experience of the parade. Incorporating more festive elements and ensuring that
safety protocols are strengthened would go a long way in improving next year’s event for everyone.
Thank you for considering this feedback. I look forward to seeing how the festival evolves in the future.
12/12/2024
Public Comment
Non-Agenda
From:Christine Anderson
To:City Clerk; cityclerk@cathedralcity.gov
Subject:Grow operation smell
Date:Sunday, December 8, 2024 8:36:19 AM
NOTICE: This message originated outside of The City of Palm Springs -- DO NOT CLICK on links or open attachments
unless you are sure the content is safe.
Mayor, Councillors
My name is Christine Anderson. My husband and I are owners in Outdoor Resorts. We
returned to Canada November 25 so we could breathe fresh air. I could find a differences in
my breathing shortly after our return. Now almost two weeks and a vacation away from the
odour I feel I am of finally of good health.
There was not a day since September 30 we were not forced into our home to try to seek fresh
air while in Cathedral City. Our homes even had the odour penetrating our bedrooms. I
reported it by phone and email. I could have every day.
I have a hemp allergy which the odour has made my breathing extremely hard.
I want to return to Outdoor resorts but can not until this issue is resolved. My retirement and
quality of life has been disrupted by this issue.
In 2021 prior to our return to ORPS I sent a letter to Cathedral City in regards to my health
issues. I received a letter at that time that the smells would not be an issue. This has been
proven not to be true.
I may not get to return to Cathedral City until this issue is resolved.
Foggers and filters have not helped in other communities. Please please pull their permit to
operate. Please allow us to return to our retirement home.
Christine Anderson
Lot 822
Outdoor resorts.
12/12/2024
Public Comment
Non-Agenda
From:Randy Johnson
To:City Clerk
Subject:Private Pickleball Courts
Date:Monday, December 2, 2024 11:43:26 AM
NOTICE: This message originated outside of The City of Palm Springs -- DO NOT CLICK on links or open attachments
unless you are sure the content is safe.
Good Morning,
We are looking to move to Palm Springs next spring. We are hoping to find a home with a large enough
lot that would allow us to construct a private pickleball court. We are also aware that Palm Springs has
noise ordinances that we need to follow. We know playing pickleball can create some noise when the
paddle and ball connect, but we did not seeing anything in the City's ordinances that prohibits residents
from playing pickleball on their own private residential courts.
Before we spend the money and effort to find the best pickleball-friendly house, we were hoping someone
from the City, with better knowledge of the City's noise ordinances, could confirm that we are indeed
allowed to build and play on our own residential court.
Regards,
Randy
12/12/2024
Public Comment
Non-Agenda
From:Randey Arnold-Kraft
To:Jesse Grijalva; Jeffrey Bernstein; Chief - Management Team; Randey Arnold-Kraft; Robert Arnold-Kraft;
news@kmir.com; SHARE@kesq.com; PSCityGovernmentMedia; claims@sce.com; Scott Stiles; City Clerk
Subject:2260 N Palm Springs Way 92262
Date:Sunday, December 1, 2024 12:00:59 AM
NOTICE: This message originated outside of The City of Palm Springs -- DO NOT CLICK on links or open attachments
unless you are sure the content is safe.
Hello Jesse, (and anyone else who cares)
Regarding the public hazard next door. The city has completely failed on this issue. Jesse, the
day you happened to walk by our property and noticed the top of one of our palm trees had
been hacked off by SCE (without notifying us) and declared it a public hazard, I wonder if you
noticed the trash heap / fire trap / homeless encampment just a few more steps down the
street? To be 100% clear, SCE chopped the top of our palm tree off out of spite - the
representative was very rude and very unhelpful - I am sure she was laughing as she directed
the crew to kill my tree.
Interesting that you sent us a threatening notice telling us we’d be fined upwards of $500
dollars and yet the REAL PUBLIC HAZARD just steps away continues to be a threatening
nuisance. Nothing has changed, in fact, the property has just become more infested, yet our
very "public hazzard" palm tree has been removed and no longer poses any THREAT to the
general public. Meanwhile, we have nightly campfires and who knows what else is going on
just next door 24x7. They have even tapped into the electricity from the property behind the
lot by stringing an extension cord over the fence - meaning they have access to electricity free
of charge while the rest of us are paying soaring energy costs every day. We have put up with
this for over 4 years!
We have 2 young children and an elderly grandmother living here so our comfort level living
right next to a neglected, unkept, abandoned property is pretty low. I worry about our safety
and wonder why our city managers don't value our right to a safe and healthy environment
for law-abiding tax paying citizens? Instead, you have focused on threatening a tax paying
citizen with fines because you know we have no recourse other than being held hostage by
your intimidation. It’s truly a shame and so opportunistic.
Jesse, I ask again, when will that property be cleaned up and the illegal activities be abated?
Your threat to fine us giving us just 10-days to remediate the palm tree and yet over 3-months
later, the lot is completely a mess. Here’s some pictures taken today. Just as a reminder, we
were told we had 10 days to remove our tree. That was August 29, 2024. The continued
decline of the property next door has just gotten worse. A reply would be appreciated.
Pics attached from 11.30.2024 if any of you care to do any better - This is the condition of the
property that has NOT BEEN ADDRESSED but rest assured,our one dead palm tree has been
taken care of and according to the time frame we were given ... AGAIN - $12,000 in property
taxes annually and this is what our civic leaders are doing - I suggest and expect that you do
better. Who are you all working for?
12/12/2024
Public Comment
Non-Agenda
I am very happy to discuss over the phone to try to understand the disparity in treatment.
Obviously my tax dollars aren't worthy of a response. I want you all to know that if something
happens and our property or our lives are damaged due to your lack of response, we will hold
you 100% responsible for any damage or loss of life.Again, you are responsible for the well
being and safety of all citizens of this city and you are ALL failing miserably. As I sit here at
11:45 PM - There is a bonfire and a drug party happening just over my wall - Not feeling very
safe in my own home. I reached out to you in early September with no response from anybody
- that is not OK!
Randey Arnold-Kraft
415.515.5101 - Palm Springs Tax Payer
12/12/2024
Public Comment
Non-Agenda